This essay analyzes the urban spatial structure and the chronology of palace architecture in Lijiang, the capital of the Naxi kingdom, from the fourteenth century to the beginning of the eighteenth century under the rule of the Naxi Tusi (indigenous rulers). They possessed the following characteristics. There was no city wall and the steep terrain was exploited for defense. The palace buildings were located at the foot of Huang Mountain, at the summit of which there was a ritual altar Tiantan. The eastern direction had higher status, and the administrative (ruling) spaces and the residential spaces were arranged in a row rather than front to back. The Zumiao (mausoleum for ancestral worship) and the Shejitan were located front to back on Huang Mountain rather than to the left and right of the palace. In addition, the commercial district was to the left of the palace. The style of the palace buildings showed characteristics of the western region of Yunnan.

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The development of industrial agglomerations at Wenzhou has attracted many studies in the past. This paper deals with an aspect of Wenzhou’s industry which must be evident to every observer who visits Wenzhou but has rarely been discussed or analyzed in the literature: its diversity. Why does Wenzhou have so diverse industrial agglomerations? How have these agglomerations emerged? To examine the diversity of industries at Wenzhou, this paper begins by drawing a comprehensive map of Wenzhou’s industrial agglomerations. The map reveals that there were 153 industrial agglomerations beyond a certain size in Wenzhou in 2001. Industries range from leather shoes to electric parts, package printing, apparel, valves, pumps, cigarette lighters, automobile components, and so on. In the latter half of the paper, the development process of some industrial agglomerations is described. The first case is leather and shoes. Wenzhou has various industrial agglomerations related to leather and shoes, such as pig leather, cowhide, leather shoes, leather apparel, plastic shoes, and rubber shoes. The cowhide industry dates back to the late Qing dynasty, and the present pig leather and cowhide industry agglomerations can be traced back to the prewar leather industry. Leather shoes industry also dates back to the prewar period. The leather shoe agglomeration was once extinct during the planned economy era, because of the nationalization and merger of private enterprises. However, it dramatically revived after the reform, because the employees of state owned leather shoes factories, who had been private business owners before nationalization, quit their jobs and established their own businesses. One of such shoemakers tried to use plastic to make shoes, and his success induced his neighbors to mimic him, triggering the emergence of a plastic shoe industry agglomeration. The combination of a small number of innovators, who, like the person who first tried to use plastic to make shoes in Wenzhou, initiates a new industry, and a large number of followers around the innovator gives rise to the increasing diversity of industrial agglomerations in Wenzhou.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify how the Chinese government promotes and displays the Mu Palace as a tourist spot. The palace is located in the old town of Lijiang, which has been registered as a UNESCO World Cultural Heritage site.
Section I examines the situation after the Ming period when the Mu Palace was constructed, and clarifies the historical transition occurring during this period by using such historical sources as the Qianlong Lijiang Fu Zhi Lue (乾隆『麗江府志略』) and the Guangxu Lijiang Fu Zhi Gao (光緒『麗江府志稿』), the records of some surveys conducted in the modern period, and related documents. In section Ⅱ, I analyze perceptions recorded by Huang Naizhen(黄乃鎮), who was the contemporary chief of the Lijiang prefecture cultural department and supervised the reconstruction of the Mu Palace from the planning stage to its eventual completion. I show what conceptions he had for the reconstruction. Moreover, I compare the historical fact that Mu native chieftains expanded their influence during the Ming period with the results of my on-site surveys in July 2009 and Ming sources such as the Mushi Huangpu (『木氏宦譜』) and the Huang Ming Enlun Lu (『皇明恩綸録』), in order to analyze how the present Mu Palace was reconstructed. Section 3 examines how the government displays the present Mu Palace to tourists through an analysis of the descriptions in academic papers, the People’s Daily Online and other government websites.
From the above, it is clear that the rebuilding of the Mu Palace cannot be regarded as the reconstruction of a historical heritage site. In my opinion, the reconstruction can be considered as a ‘theme park’, which shows affinity with Chinese dynasties and demonstrates the historical legitimacy of the People’s Republic of China rule in this region. I cannot verify the proposition that the Naxi people, including the Mu native officials, had any affinity with Chinese dynasties. However, what I found was a strong desire on the part of the government to portray the Mu chieftains as being close to the Chinese dynasties. The reason for the Chinese government taking such an arbitrary attitude is that many elements of the history of the Mu family in the Ming period and the background to the construction of the Mu Palace do not demonstrate any affinity with a Chinese dynasty.This cannot necessarily be regarded as the ‘formula’ of the native official.
From the viewpoint of China’s policy on minorities, however, I think that it is much more natural to develop Han cultural heritages that already exist in Lijiang rather than to undertake ‘creation’ projects such as the one outlined above. On the other hand, from the viewpoint of developing the tourist industry, the cultures of minority people are valuable resources, and their development can contribute to local development. That is to say, this case illustrates the competition between nation-state building and market economy principles as regards cultural heritage sites in China.

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