本研究は、山梨県内に眠っている地域資源や歴史資源を、企業の商品開発に活用することのできるデザインソースとして編集～公開することで、本県企業のオリジナリティあふれる商品創出に資することを目的として平成25年度から3年間の計画で実施している。
具体的には、作成するデザインソースの種別を「形状」「模様」「色彩」「物語」の4つに設定し、対象の有形・無形を問わず取材～デザインソース化（コンピューター上で所定の機能を果たすように編集したデジタルデータ）を行うとともに、これらのデザインソースを搭載したデザインデータベースの作成を進めている。
平成26年度は、縄文土器や農具などの有形の資料、染色用型紙などの平面的な資料を中心として取材及び編集を行った結果、966点のデザインソースを作成するに至った。

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This paper traces some links between Udatsu and Daikoku-bashira. Both of them were seen in vernacular houses of town houses as well as of farm houses. The paper concludes that Udatsu and Daikoku-bashira were originally Munamochi-bashira which was a post supporting a ridge directly. The archetypes are chosen as the late-medieval structure of tow-span depth and Hottate-bashira which was a post with fixed end in a pit of the earth. Main diversity of Udatsu and Daikoku-bashira depended upon their location. Udatsu was within a wall facing on to outside while Daikoku-bashira was inside a house with detachment of a wall.

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There are two ways to study mountain communities in Japan. One is to regard them as economically retarded communities in a general sense, the other is to regard them as communities developed under specil mountain conditions, The former should not be used because it neglects their historical transitions.
There are three types of mountain communities, that is, communities which depend primarily on resources of the mountains, in Japan. One is the “Matagi” or hunters' villages, another, villages with an economy based on wood gathering or “Kijiya” villages and the third, fire-field villages. culture systems of these village types have an economic and social structure peculiar to themselves and different from villages on the plains.
At the present time, the hunting type villages are rare, those few remaining being primarily in northeastern Japan. Wood-cutters' villages are densed in central Japan and fire-field vilages in scuthwest Japan.
The fire-field village historically have been subjected to greater outside influences than the other two types, largely because they were large enough to attract attention of the old Shoguns and were subjugated by them. However, remaining examples of all types are becoming rare due to overwhelming influences brought about by moderm communications.
The auther describes some of the traditions of such people, especially of the hunters. special teams for hunting, called “matagi-gumi”, were organized. Spears were used and continue to be even today. The dead animals were deified and special ceremonies devoted to them. Religious ceremonies growing out of such deification make it possible to trace villages which formerly depended on a hunting economy even though large animals are now rare in the areas. Stone monuments of such nature are found in southwest Japan where the animals are extinct.
The finding of evidences that a sequence hunting, wood collecting and fire-field economies ware stages in the evolution of mountain communities is important. Present locations of villages of the different types, i.e. fire-field in the southwest, woodcutter in central and hunting in northwest Japan corresponds to the historical development of the Japanese islnds.

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This article discusses symbolic meanings of the belief in which a drowned body becomes deified as Ebisu-gami. Japanese fishermen usually are under a prohibition or a taboo that they should not take pollution caused by death into the sea, because they belive the sea is a sacred place and pollution, especially concerning death, might cause dangers to them. Nevertheless, they pick up a drowned body whenever they find it on the sea and deify it as Ebisugami, a luck-bringing deity. In Japanese folk belief Ebisu-gami is worshipped as a luck-bringing deity by fishermen, farmers or merchant and is also a guardian deity of roads and voyages. A remarkable attribute of Ebisu is its deformity. The deity is believed to be one-eyed, deaf, lame or hermaphrodical. It is also believed to be very ugly. People sometimes say that it is too ugly to attend an annual meeting of all gods which is held in Izumo, Simane Prefecture. In Japanese symbolic system deformity and ugliness are classified Into Kegare (pollution) category as I have represented in my articles (NAMIHIRA, E. : 1974 ; 1976). Some manners in Ebisu rituals tell that Ebisu is a polluted or polluting deity, e. g., an offering to the deity is set in the manner like that of a funeral ceremony, and after a ritual the offering should not be eaten by promising young men. Cross-culturally deformity, ugliness or pollution is an indication of symbolic liminality'. In this sense. Ebisu has characteristics of liminality at several levels (1) between two kinds of spaces : A drowned body has been floating on the sea and will be brought to the land and then be deified there. In Japanese culture, the land is recognized 'this world' and the sea is 'the other world'. A drowned body comes to 'this world' from 'the other world'. (2) between one social group and another social group ; In the belief of Japanese fishermen only the drowned persons who had not belonged to their own social group, i. e., only dead strangers could be deified as Ebisu. The drowned person had belonged to one group but now belongs to another group and is worshipped by the members ; (3) between life and death : Japanese people do not perform a funeral ceremony unless they find a dead body. Therefore, a person who drowned and is floating on the sea is not dead in the full sense. That is, the person is between life and death. The liminality of Ebisu-gami is liable to relate to other deities whose attributes are also 'liminal'. Yama-no-kami (mountain deity) or Ta-no-kami (deity of rice fields) and Doso-shin(guardian deity of road) are sometimes regarded in connection with Ebisu. Japanese folk religion is a polytheistic and complex one. Then, it is significant to study such Ebisu-gami that are interrelational among gods and have high variety in different contexts in the Japanese belief system.

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A literature survey on the use of lutai (fetal Sika deer, Cervus nippon) yielded 128 references in the literature (108 from Japan and 20 from mainland China and Taiwan). Lutai was first used as a medicine among some highly-ranked samurai in the early 17th century. In the early 19th century (late Edo period), lutai was believed to be an efficacious remedy for women with sickness following childbirth. In the late 19th century and the early 20th century (from the end of the Edo period to the Meiji-Taisho period), medical practices were widely published and the use of lutai became popular among ordinary Japanese people. In the mid-19th century (the early Meiji period), at least 27,000–40,000 pieces of lutai were produced in Hokkaido, mostly for domestic and international trade. Some lutai was also produced in Honshu, Shikoku, and Kyushu. The commercial value of lutai varied considerably among regions and over time. It is probable that targeted hunting of pregnant female deer prevailed in regions where lutai had a high commercial value, which could be a cause of the severe population decline of Sika deer in Japan during the Meiji-Taisho period.

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　雪形は「山腹の雪の消え具合によってできる形」として定義されているもので，かつては農事暦として利用されてきたが，農耕の進歩などにより各地で伝承が消えつつある．2005年の『農林水産業に関連する文化的景観の保護に関する調査研究報告書(文化庁)』では，「独特の気象によって現れる景観」と「複合景観」にて6座の山の雪形を文化的景観候補として選出されたが，文化的景観の条件との整合性から，まだ認定されているものはない．本研究では，a)全国の雪形とその分布の特徴の把握，b)雪形データベースの構築及び評価項目の設定，c)全国の雪形の景観特性の分析と類型化，d)雪形に関する産業・文化特性と景観特性の相関性の明確化，以上4つの目的を通して雪形の価値評価について検討したものである．

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In this paper, I focus on public and private welfare assistance for the disabled during the 1880s, a period of primitive capital accumulation. Private relief was closely related to public assistance because of the restrictive nature of the Japanese social welfare system, which provided only minimal poor relief and this forced individuals to save on their own against disaster, I also explain the social and economic processes that brought the disabled to rely on national relief, the final level(?) of public support. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the relation between national relief, local relief, and private relief in the 1880s. I first analyze rates of national relief for the disabled and orphans as a percentage of the population for each prefecture. I hyothesized that traditional forms of neighborhood mutual assistance had fallen into decay in those areas where economic development had taken place and in which many people received national relief. There are many prefectures over the national average in Western Japan, but in Central and Eastern Japan, which are mainly rice monoculture and sericulture areas, there are many prefectures that are below half the national average. I therefore examined Okayama as a case for Western Japan, Yamanashi as a sericulture case, and Akita as a rice monoculture case. In conclusion, one can characterize basic relief policy as limited for it encouraged mutual aid in the prefectures. National relief was predicted on local public and private relief, and did not displace them. Nevertheless, there was a disparity in national relief among prefectures because styles of private relief varied according to different social and economic conditions. This was the origin of the present-day Japanese social welfare system.

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