本研究では，家族の問題が背景にあり，難治てんかん，知的能力障害があり，性別違和を疑われた男児の箱庭療法について報告する。彼は動物園や戦いなどを箱庭で表現したため，このことは，男児の箱庭表現と考えられた。箱庭表現などのフィードバックによって，性別違和を疑われたような行動は，「女性の服への嗜好」と判断された。彼は一つの刺激によって箱庭を玩具で埋め尽くし，何度も作り変える世界を表現した。てんかんという内的テーマと家族問題という外的テーマが並行して表現された。やがて，表現は様々なトラップが仕掛けられた左下から右上に向かう迷路のような世界となった。複雑な紆余曲折を経て成長していくテーマが表現された。言語化するのが難しく多様な課題を抱えたクライントにとって，守られた環境の中で，自由に表現でき，存在そのものを引き受ける箱庭療法は有効であった。

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Individuals with gender dysphoria experience incongruence between their experienced and assigned genders. Despite the dire needs, there is currently little research on professional services for reducing the psychosocial problems experienced by people with gender dysphoria. Therefore, the author explored the process of re-constructing psychosocial identity by examining 16 participants’ accounts of their male-to-female transitions (or transitions to an alternative, non-male gender; M to F/X) using the modified grounded theory approach.

Results indicated that (a) sex dualism causes serious self-loathing in people with gender dysphoria; (b) such people often experience pleasure when acknowledged by others; and (c) people with gender dysphoria can achieve a sense of psychosocial well-being by discovering a unique position for themselves within the community,

Thus, people with gender dysphoria can experience psychosocial well-being during the M to FIX transition if they find their unique positions within society and feel recognized by others. Psychologists should aim to further help people with gender dysphoria connect with those without it and integrate into the cultural and social frameworks; this can be done through psycho-education, raising awareness about sex/gender dualism, and enhancing the advocacy and empowerment of people with gender dysphoria, allowing them to live with support for their alternative identities.

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This study reconsiders Minami Kikan from a number of different angles.
 Minami Kikan has generally been thought to have backed the independence of Burma. In recent years, however, it has been the focus of particulary strong interest as a means for undertaking a partial review of the debate over the Pacific War.
 However, no full-scale analysis has been conducted of the concept of independence held by Minami Kikan. In the absence of such full-scale analysis, it has come to be regarded as an expression of the contemporary concept of independence through the self-determination of the people.
 The present study verifies that, to an extent, Minami Kikan had a perception, though imperfect, of a popular democratic movement as its authority. Even so, the independence of Burma that it promoted did not by nature exclude control by Japan.
 This finding changes considerably the image of Minami Kikan, which had been idealized and praised in many foregoing studies as “contributing to freedom in Asia.” Admittedly, aside from differences in the perception of the concept of independence, the fact still remains that Minami Kikan supported the Thakin party and played a certain role in advancing the popular movement.
 Moreover, in contrast to the conventional view, since independence as conceived by Minami Kikan attracted a degree of support within the Japanese military, Minami Kikan's backing of the popular movement was an inevitable move that was more influential than it has generally considered to be.

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Gender Identity Disorder (GID) is the mental disorder described in DSM-N-TR. Earlier literature speculated that the cause of GID is genetic or biological, and thus physical treatments are selected (over psychological treatments) in clinical settings. However, physical treatments of GID have many problems, such as the ignorance of diversity within gender identity and the invasiveness of medical operation. Moreover, a large number of studies indicate that the psychological difficulties people with GID experience have a negative impact on the mental health of these individuals. These facts suggest that psychological support is needed for people with GID in order to understand cross-gender transition and experience the process of social re-adaptation in cross-gender transition by means of semi-structured interview to FTM individuals.

Results from Modified Grounded Theory Approach (M-GTA) show the following three phases: “Discomfort towards previous adaptive condition and anxiety of diverting from that situation”, “Exploration and conflict of social adaptation to new gender”, “Autonomous re-construction of social adaptation and struggle with the dichotomous (i.e. male to female) sex”. Among these three phases, difficulties regarding sex distinction pose different meanings. Furthermore, in the third process (i.e. autonomous re-construction of social adaptation), FTM accepts one’s characteristic as a person beyond his/her sex and hope for a society where GID can be as he/she is. These results suggest that psychological professionals have a potential role in not only assisting people with cross-gender transition, but in the advocacy and empowerment of these individuals. Future research should broaden the scope of the present findings to MTF and aim to benefit the QOL of all GID people.

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This paper analyzes the political process involved in the resignation of the Third Konoe Cabinet on October 1941. The resignation was caused by War Minister Tojo, who opposed army troop to withdrawal from China. This author examines the political process of events in China that influenced important political issue, from the viewpoint of mutual agreement between government organs and the policy decision-making system in Japan. Decision-making in the Third Konoe Cabinet was charaterized by the phrase ryoron-heiki, that incorporated the interests of all the opposing government institutions, and evading decisions to avoid conflict. The prime minister could not override the interests of the various government organs. It was owing to a structural flaw in the Meiji Constitution that legislative power was shared between the Cabinet and the General Staff. The resignation of the Third Konoe Cabinet meant the dysfuntioning the policy decision-making system. This paper examines the following points. 1)Analysis of the China question. There were two different policies. One was included in 'Guidelines for Implementing National Policy' (Teikoku Kokusaku Suiko Yoryo) and the other was the 'Document on Japan-United States Negotiations'. They were adopted on 3 September at the Imperial Headquarters-Government Liaison Confernce (Daihon'ei Seifu Renrakukaigi). 2)This characteristic decision-making system continued when "BASIC TERMS OF PEACE BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA" were decided. The Liaison Conference also adopted the return telegram to the Ambassador in U.S. (Nomura) proposal. 3)The situation changed when the new General Agreements between Japan and the U.S. were decided. The General Staff took a firm attitude and carried through with their intentions. But on the other side, a dysfunctioning of the system resulted. 4)Examination of ways that were adopted by authorities to prevent war by annulling the 'Guidelines for Implementing National Policy.' When this move proved a failure, the Cabinet was unable to reach any agreement about the China question. The Third Konoe Cabinet finally resigned because it could not adopt both war and negotiations. From a different point of view, this situation meant evasion of decision-making, because a new Cabinet would have to start afresh unencumbered by the 'Guidelines for Implementing National Policy.'

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The purpose of this paper is to review the political power struggle for de-veloping a totalitarian single-party system, by analyzing how Fumimamo Konoe, his fellows, and the army coped with political parties' activities to re-organize the political world utilizing Konoe's new party campaign from the late 1930s to the early 1940s, in which the conflict among the national government, the army, and political parties became more fierce. The Shino-Japanese War, which broke out in the wake of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in July 1937, showed the sign of prolongation in 1938. Then, the first Konoe Cabinet resigned en bloc in January 1939. Later, the Hiranuma, Abe, and Yonai Cabinets were established as the national government, with the prime ministers being military personnel and bureaucrats. However, these three cabinets could not improve the situation, and Japan witnessed the deepening of political confrontation due to the prolongation of the Shino-Japanese War. On the other hand, the Japanese army aimed to back up Konoe with the purpose of unifying diplomatic measures in response to the peace overture toward China for terminating the war, and the central government aimed to reorganize the political world by organizing Konoe's New Party. Then, in July 1940, the Yonai Cabinet resigned en bloc, and the second Konoe Cabinet was established based on the supports from the army and political parties. This paper focuses on the domestic political visions and diplomatic policy visions of the army and political parties, elucidates the influences of the relation between the army and political parties on the politics before and after the inauguration of the second Konoe Cabinet, and then discusses the factors in the failure of "Konoe's New Systems" while considering the difference from the political plans of Konoe's fellows.

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