1. Konpira Lanterns are the lanterns made of stone or metal dedicated by the worshippers of the Kotohira Shrine which lies at Kotohira, Nakatado District, Kagawa Prefecture. These lanterns, set along the highways of the worshippers and in the precincts of the Shrine, were once used for illumination and also kept as a remembrance of their pilgrimage to the Shrine.
As there are inscribed on each lantern the name, the shop name and the dwelling place of the dedicator, and the date of his dedication, its investigation enables us to conjecture the state of traffic in old days.
2. The subject of this investigation is chiefly about 328 Konpira Lanterns (excepting ones in the precincts of the Shrine) which are still existent in large numbers in the 10th year of Showa (1935) along each highway in the environs of Kotohira.
Judging from the distribution of the lanterns, there ran radiately, with Kotohira as the center, five old highways-the Marugame highway and the Tadotsu highway in the north, the Iyo highway in the west, the Awa highway in the south and the Takamatsu highway in the east. These and the distribution of the lanterns on each are as follows:
3. The most important of these highways was the Marugame highway. The distribution of the dedicators shows that this highway was passed by the worshippers in the wide area of the Pacific side of Japan, east of Bicchu (Okayama Prefecture). Marugame port prospered as the landing place of these worshippers.
The Tadotsu highway ranked second. It was passed by the worshippers landing at Tadotsu port, on the Pacific side of Japan, west of Bingo (Hiroshima Prefecture) and on the coast of Japan Sea, having Tadotsu port as their landing place. Marugame port and Tadotsu port, though they were 4km. away from each other, coexisted and coprospered, because they had their own traffic route. But there were prosperity and decline on each port. Marugame port first prospered and Tadotsu port, flourishing next, usurped the prosperity of Marugame port.
The Iyo highway was passed by the worshippers in Seisan (the western part of Kagawa Prefecture), in Iyo (Ehime Prefecture) and Tosa (Kochi Prefecture), the Awa highway by those in Awa (Tokushima Prefecture), and the Takamatsu highway by those in Tosan (the eastern part of Kagawa Prefectue). The last two highways were only the country roads.
4. Most of the dedicators are private persons and parties that are called “Ko”, the group of the worshippers. According to the classification of occupations, fishermen and boatmen stand foremost on each highway. This is chiefly because the Kotohira Shrine is conserated to the God of the Sea. It seems that the Kotohira Shrine had also a great influence on the belief of the populace, and on the main road, the Marugame highway, are found many lanterns offered by people of all classes-warriors, farmers, craftmen and merchants.
5. As for the date of the dedicatory lanterns, the lantern dated “the 7th year of Genroku (1694)”, which is the oldest, stands on the by-road of the Marugame highway. With the change of the times they increase in number. So it is supposed that “Konpiramairi”, a pilgrimage to the Kotohira Shrine, was very popular at the latter period of the Edo era.
The latest date of the lanterns, though it differs on each highway, is about the 10th year of Meiji (1877). After that new roads, the New Awa highway foremost, began to be opened one after another, and besides, when the railway was constructed between Marugame and Kotohira in the 22nd year of Meiji (1889), the traffic route to the Kotohira Shrine underwent a complete change.

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　Gekko TAKAYASU (1869–1944) fut avant tout un poète: “Yatô-Shû [Les Vagues dans la Nuit] (1900), “Shunsetsu-Shû [La Neige du printemps] (1903) etc., et il composa également des pièces: “Oshio-Heihachiro” (1902), “Edo-jô-Akewatashi” (La Remise du Château d’Edo) (1903), “Sakura-Shigure” [La Giboulée de Fleurs de Cerisiers] (1906) etc.

　Etant à la fois poète et dramaturge, Gekkô écrivait aussi des articles sur la littérature et il traduisait des pièces étrangères; il fut le premier à présenter des oeuvres d’Ibsen au Japon. Pourtant il nous faut le classer parmi les comparatistes, parce qu’il publia, en 1916, un livre intitulé “Tôzai-Bungaku-Hikaku-Hyôron” [Etudes Critiques et Comparatives des littératures japonaise et européenne], qui était, dans son esprit, un manifeste de la littérature comparative (non comparée! étant donné que sa méthode ne consistait qu’à confronter surtout....), et dans lequel il appliquait les procédés de l’étude comparative, a l’aide de ses connaissances fécondes et profondes de la littérature européenne. Gekkô traita, du point de vue de l’étude comparative, des phénomènes littéraires analogiques dans les littératures du Japon et des autres pays, sans considérer les influences les unes sur les autres.

　Son étude comparative eut pour but de développer et d’enrichir la littérature japonaise en tenant compte des différences existant entre la littérature japonaise et les autres.

　Sous l’influence de “Hihyô-Bungaku” [La Littérature Comparative] de Shôyô TSUBOUCHI, ou plus exactement, du livre de H.M. Posnett: “Comparative Literature”, Gekkô fut un des premiers spécialistes de littérature comparative au Japon.

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The civil construction in a particular community should be given a name that appropriately reflects the climate and culture of the area (expressed as “fudo”in Japanese) where they are constructed, which will add social and culturalvalue to it. From the view of Fudo Engineering, the namer may well be required to have all the knowledge of the fudo of the area, however, it is not easy to acquire the adequate knowledge. Here, we will propose to use our newly developed computerized consultation system, which uses an electronic encyclopedia, to get the fudo information effectively. When the user inputs a name of the place, this system searches all the descriptions about it from the encyclopedia. The descriptive text includes the nature environment, origin, history and so on. Then, it automatically extracts the nouns and the adjectives from the text, and makes a word list semantically related to the each extracted word. The word list helps the user choose a word or coin a new word conceptually related to the community as a name for the construction

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This article studies the perceptions of Korea and China among the people in Japan during the latter part of the 19th century. The antecedent research has explained that the people had become to transfer their own sense of inferiority to their East Asian neighbors, whose Westernization had been stagnant, and disdained them because the people's opposition to Westernization had been crushed by means of the suppression of the revolt. This interpretation ignores the contradictory situation of a nation of people unable to internally resolve their own opposition to Western culture, while looking down on other nations based on those same Western standards. In order to show the way such a contradiction was dealt with in the Japanese mass consciousness, this article takes up the popular entertainment, especially kodan (講談), the Japanese traditional storytelling, to extract the Japanese people's understanding of Western culture and their hopes represented by the images of Korea and China on a deeper level than what was expressed in rebellion. In presenting the evidence, the author attempts to clarify the features of narrative of the popular entertainment in order to interpret its depiction of Korea and China in terms of popular understanding by focusing on the mentality of popular entertainment, as well as the changes of national entertainment policy, trends and social contexts. In concrete terms, the author identifies two conflicting types of narration in popular entertainment at the time: the satirical style that originated on the urban scene during the late Edo period and the oratorical style, which first appeared during the 1880s, against a backdrop of increasing migration from the countryside into the cities. In the performances taking up such events of the early 1880s as the Imo Incident (July 1882) in Seoul, Korea and the Sino-French War (1884-85), we find satirical narrative showed its twisted sympathies with "obstinateness" of the forces of resistance in both countries and ridiculing the shallow Westernized behavior of the Japanese people. On the other hand, when dealing with the 1st Sino-Japanese War, the oratorical style pours invective and abuse upon the Chinese, while the satirical performances objectified them and counteract with words of sympathy for the Koreans and Chinese. In the presence of such conflicting narrative styles, the Japanese people became aware of Korea and China not only as scapegoats for its own oppression, but also as a means of escaping from the constant anxiety of being confined within the limits of the Western code of civilized behavior. However, the difficulty in confronting the fallacy of its civilized self-image became expressed in the Japanese people's hesitation to empathize with its Korean and Chinese counterparts. Such a way of adopting Western civilization, which skillfully grants dispensation from self-denial, can be called, in the opinion of the author, one of the "privileges" accorded the masses living under imperial rule.

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