アンバーグリス（龍涎香）は，フランス語の「灰色のアンバー」という言葉に由来する．昔から薬として香水の素材として利用されてきた．その由来は，近年になるまで不明であった．20世紀初頭に烏賊の嘴が含まれていたことが分かり，マッコウクジラPhyseter macrocephalusの体内に生じた病的なものであるらしいことが知られた．このアンバーグリスを分析すると，アンブレインとエピコプロステノールの成分が含有されていた．香水原料としは，エチルアルコールに溶解させ少なくとも6ヶ月以上熟成させ使用する．このアルコールチンキにはテトララブダンオキサイドやアンブレインという香気成分が生成している．

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In 1875, Nagamine Hideki, a teacher at the Naval Academy, made a Japanese translation of the 1001 Nights from G. F. Townsend's English version. This was the first translation of the 1001 Nights in Japan. Since Nagamine, a number of translations have appeared, among which two complete translations were well-known and wide-spread, namely the one made from R.F. Burton's and the other from J. C. Mardrus'. All of these, however, were not made from the original Arabic, but were retranslations made from different European languages. In addition, most of the translators in Japan were not orientalists, but literary men who had no knowledge of Arabic and Islam. Among them were famous writers like Kawabata Yasunari and Kikuchi Kan, though many of their translations had been limited to juvenile stories. In 1966, the first translation of the Nights from the original Arabic was made by the late Maejima Shinji, who was then a professor at Keio University and a pioneer orientalists in Japan. His translation is entitled "Arabian Naito" in Japanese after the famous English title and based on Calcutta II (Macnaghten), emended by Bulaq, Breslau, Cairo, Beyrut and some other editions, and supplemented by a few independent texts like that of L. Langres. An additional volume in 1985, which contains "Ala ed-Din and the Marvellous Lamp" and "Ali Baba and the Forty Robbers", is based on H. Zotenberg's and D. B. Macdonald's respectively. By 1983, twelve volumes had been published and, after his death in 1983, Ikeda Osamu, a professor of Arabic at Osaka University of Foreign Studies, succeeded him. Maejima's translation which renders the whole text, though still being published, is very faithful to Calcutta II edition. His style, when compared with his predecessors', seems to be simple, dry and slightly old-fashioned but, at the same time, charming and veryreadable. As for the accuracy of his rendering, it can be compared with that of Enno Littmann which is said to be the best translation of the 1001 Nights. This accuracy and faithfulness to the original makes his work suited not only for entertainment but also for scholarly use. Maejima's translation has rich and valuable annotations which occupy about 20 pages in each volume and cover a wide field of Arab-Islamic cultures. He also adds a good epilogue at the end of each volume. He expended 20-30 pages for epilogue to analyze the stories contained in the volume and the 1001 Nights itself, to compare the texts and translations of the Nights, and to explain Arabic history, literature, society, religion, folklore and so on. This epilogue is based on the latest studies in Europe, the United States and Japan, and therefore is the most outstanding feature of Maejima's work in the history of the translation of 1001 Nights.

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　Les Mille et une Nuits que l’on connaît au Japon depuis 1875 provenaient de traductions de textes anglais, c’est-à-dire des Arabian Nights.

　Roka Tokutomi (1868–1927) a lu et a connu ces Histoires pittoresques à l’âge de 19 et 20 ans lorsqu’il était étudiant à Dôshisha. Après avoir obtenu un grand succès comme écrivain populaire, il partit en 1906 pour l’Orient, le lieu d’origine de ces histoires fableuses. Toutefois en apercevant au Caire et Jérusalem les problèmes avec lesquels ces deux pays étaient aux prises—le manque d’harmonie entre la culture classique et la moderne, les antipathies réciproques entre les Chrétiens et les Musulmans ou les Juifs, etc.—il fut pris de désespoir par ces lieux soumis aux pires contradictions et il s’est souvenu des jours anciens comme on les avait jadis décrits dans les Mille et une Nuits.

　La grande différence entre le passé glorieux et le présent décadent —c’est aussi le dilemme qui existait entre son “mirage” pour l’Orient et la réalité vécue. Ceci nous permettrait de mieux comprendre les passions (en fait il était chrétien) qui le hantaient, comme d’ailleurs ses intérêts marqués pour les questions sociales et politiques. Une telle rencontre d’expériences chez un même écrivain est très rare dans l’histoire de la littérature japonaise moderne.

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The essay consists of four parts. After the preliminary remarks in the first part that the New Critics' belief in so-called Intentional Fallacy, if pushed to an extreme, tends to make them miss the root or the variety of the matter, and that their favourite method of Close Reading should also be applied to the documents of intention, the second part deals with the basis for the whole study. No official intention is revealed by the author himself about the Rime of the Ancient Mariner. The only exception may be sought in his much-discussed remarks in the Table Talk (31st May 1830) where his intention about the moral of the Rime indirectly disclosed. From J.L. Lowes through R.P. Warren down to Mr. Brett, every scholar has paid considerable attention to this. To my way of thinking, three points, however, seem to have been overlooked: the possibility of a) detecting closer connection of the whole Tale of the Merchant & the Genie with the Rime; b) finding deliberate implications in Coleridge's italics; c) reading between the lines his personal feeling against Mrs. Barbauld. These ponits are discussed successively. a) H. N. Coleridge, the editor of the Table Talk, misled nearly all the critics by abridging the Tale as if it were complete in itself as he quotes it in the foot note. But the Tale, considered in its entirety, unlike the abridged one, bears several analogies with the Rime, whose light may serve to illuminate his intention. The fact that: i) according to the abridged one, the Tale is nothing but a tale of compensation, whereas the whole Tale is that of compensation followed by that of redemption and reconciliation; ii) three old men play important role in the whole Tale, while none of them appears in the abridged one; iii) they confess respectively tales of man's transformation into animal; bears the close parallel to the Rime. Because: i) its main stress is laid not on compensation but on redemption and reconciliation following compensation; ii) as these three old men convert Genie's idea of revenge by telling their strange experiences, so the old navigator in the Rime do the same with the Wedding Guest; iii) where the Tale revolves round the three confessions of animal transformation, the Rime enfolds its mechanism with the very implicit symbolism of animal transformation at its centre, presenting Albatross as 'consubstantial' with the human. b) Coleridge's own italics (must, because) in his reply to Mrs. Barbauld hides a clue to surmise his intention. The gist of the 'must-because' may be called the legislative reason or the eye-for-eye logic, by which both the Rime and the Tale are half motivated. Here, what Polar Spirit to Albatross is what Genie to his Son. But Coleridge, regarding the 'must, because' as a mertinet's error, finds himself justified in giving the positive meaning to the final triumph of the higher Sacramental Love and reconciliation, a moral more true to life than the mere code of compensation. c) A perusal of newly edited Complete Letters of Coleridge will show that Mrs. Barbauld to whom he paid high respect earlier, has later fallen in his estimation, and at the lowest of his estimation the reply to her stricture was made. Furthermore, the moral lesson habit in her juvenile books caused serious dissatisfaction to him. What the tone of Coleridge's jocular retort suggests is that though both the Rime and the Tale are superficially the same moral tale of revenge (and in this sense the Rime seems to fall short of completeness), they are really the tales not of 'must, because', but of reconciliation and love through the mystery of animal transformation. In her excessive moral awareness, Mrs. Barbauld failed to perceive this. In the third part a brief exposition is given of the Rime's abrupt symbolic change from obsessive passivity to spontaneous activity. From the

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聖者信仰は、とくに前近代のイスラームにおいて、生活の中に「イスラームを生きる」人々の間で息づいてきた。これをイスラームの中に紛れ込んだ非イスラーム的要素とみなす理解が、ムスリム・非ムスリムの一部知識人によって示されてきたが、イスラームは世界の一体性と多様性をともに含み込んで了解し、ムスリム知識人と民衆の要請に同時に応える総合的な体系であって、「聖者のイスラーム」はそうしたイスラームの現実の一部であった。聖者は神の恩寵を人へと媒介することにより、神の唯一性を本義としつつ、それを日常生活の雑多な文脈とおりあわせることで、イスラームのうちに補完的な役割を果たしてきた。近代における教育の普及、識字の獲得により、聖者に対する畏敬の念は衰えつつあり、現代の人類学は伝統的な聖者信仰の研究にとどまるだけではなく、今日的な民衆イスラームの形を含めて、新たな取り組みを模索する必要がある。

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Although a rich folklore of ghosts and spirits exists in Arab Muslim societies, the anthropological study of this subject is extremely scarce. The purpose of this article is to present a description. and analysis of the Arab Muslims'belief in ghosts and spirits in the village of Kufr Yuba in North Jordan, compared with the cases in the other Arab Muslim societies and those in the non-Muslim societies, particularly in Japan. The fieldwork on which this article is based was carried out in the years 1986-1988 when I was a research fellow at the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, Yarmouk University, Irbid. Kufr Yuba is an Arab village located at about six kilometers west of the city of Irbid, with a population of some nine thousand Sunni Muslims. Although it is originally a cereal-growing village, its occupational structure is at present diversified and the agricultural population is estimated approximately at twenty percent of the total. The literary Arabic (al-fusha) equivalent of the Japanese term yurei, which is mostly translated in English as ghost, is generally shabah. In Kufr Yuba, however, the term shabah is not always equivalent to the yurei. First of all, the villagers' general image of the shabah is quite different from that of the Japanese yurei. The yurei is generally regarded as the disembodied soul of a dead person appearing to the living in the shape of what he was before death, whereas the shabah is conceived as a kind of jinn, that is, spirits mentioned in the Qur'an. The term jinn, which is a plural in literary Arabic, is a masculine singular in Kufr Yuba, and its feminine singular form is jinniyya. A lot of villagers believe in the existence of such spiritual beings exactly because they are referred to as one of the various creations of 'Allah in the Qur'an. Therefore, not a few anecdotes have been woven around jinn, and for example, during my stay in the village, the weekly newspaper al-Haqiqa (26 May 1987) carried a report entitled "li-man raqs al-jinn ala muthallath Kufr Yuba (Who performs a jinn dance at the T-crossroads of Kufr Yuba?)". According to the Qur'an, there are good jinn and bad jinn, that is, Muslims and infidels. The people of Kufr Yuba in general stand in fear of all of the jinn, however, thinking of them as evil and harmful. It is presumably because they entertain some apprehensions about the unidentified natural shape of the jinn. The Qur'an says nothing but that the jinn were created of fire. Such 'fearful' jinn have played a very important role in what is called islamization. Islam has introduced its own spirits in the form of jinn, and has placed all the local spirits and pagan gods in the category of jinn.

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The famous translation of the Arabian Nights' Entertainments by Sir Richard F. Burton (1821-96) was first published in 1885 in 10 volumes, and 6 volumes of the supplemental Nights were published from 1886 to 1888. It won a great success, and even in these days many people believe it as the most excellent and the most reliable translation of the 1001 Nights. Especially in Japan, it is so popular that at least three times it was retranslated into Japanese by various translators who were the admirers of R. Burton. But in many countries, Burton's translation has been criticized or defended by not a few scholars. Already in 1906, Thomas Wright demonstrated in his “Life of R. Burton, ” that his translation of the 1001 Nights is whole appropriation of that of John Payne. Payne's translation is the first complete English version of the Nights and no one denies its excellence But, his translation had been speedily forgotten by the public, and the swashbuckling plagiarist got the honor, wealth and popularity. Moreover, in the so-called Burton-Payne Controversy, the defenders of R. Burton seem more numerous than those of J. Payne. It was to my heart's content that Mia 1. Gerhardt developped a very sharp defense for the part of the latter in 1963 in her “The Art of Story-Telling.” However the author argued that the poems in the 1001 Nights were almost all translated by R. Burton independently and these are in general better than the renderings of J. Payne. I would not agree with this opinion, because I think that the translation of the poems by R. Burton also seem to be the appropriation of those of Payne and sometimes of Henry Torrens. In this essay, I would like to prove it. Next, why the painstaking work of J. Payne was soon forgotten, and survived the quite contrary one? The final aim of this essay is to find out some answer to this guestion.

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