The purpose of this paper is to clarify the formation processes of grassland in dairy farming in post-war cultivated high-land dynamically, paying attention to decision-making by the leader of farmers, based on the case study in 0 village, Seiyo city Ehime prefecture. To achieve above-mentioned purpose, firstly, I grasped social and economic trend in 0 village before the war, and clarified the factors which affect the formation of grassland after the war. Secondly, I divided the formation processes of grassland after the war into four periods;(1)the period of trial crops (1946 -58),(2) the early years of introduction of dairy farming (1959-69), (3) the period of enlargement of grassland (1970-82), (4) the period of completion of grassland infrastructure(after 1983),and clarified the characteristic of grassland utilization in each period. Now, in 0 village ,high rate of self-sufficiency in fodder is realized by many-sided utilization of the three types of grasslands ( grassland owned by individual farmer, grassland owned by village, grassland cultivated by government). And the stable grassland infrastructure in 0 village have been formed by the geographical and historical conditions peculiar to high-land, the various political supports after the war, and the ability of leaders who accept the political supports positively and enlighten farmers.

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This paper analyses the origins and effects of the local government reforms in 1884. The reforms consisted of the enlargement of the jurisdictions of village and town heads(kocho), making the post kocho appointive, and enforcing regulations on village and town assemblies. In Chapter I, the author examines the thinking of bureaucrats and prefectural governors. From this analysis, we find that the 1884 reforms had two different phases. One was the reform of the office of kocho(kocho-yakuba); the other the reform of village and town assemblies. The former was a measure against to correct instability in kocho-yakuba, and the latter was a reaction against People's Rights Movement. In Chapter II, the background of the reform of kocho-yakuba is analyzed by examining the case of Saitama Prefecture. In the period preceding the reform, kocho was in a weak posion vis-a-vis villagers. The reason for this was that villagers regarded kocho as a protector of private interests, and thus kocho could not carry out procedures that were against villagers' private interests, such as the exaction of taxes. However during this period this idea became a fiction, because the interests of villagers were no longer homogeneous. As a result, the administration of kocho-yakuba became unstable and its reform necessary. In Chapter III, the effects of the reform are analyzed. By separating kocho from the villagers, the reform made it possible for the former to assume stronger attitudes towards villagers. Up until now, other studies of local communities in modern Japan have understood the reform in 1884 as a matter between the central government and kocho. This paper, however, argues that the reform was a matter between kocho and villagers. In other words, the author believes matters between the government and the middle class should be distinguished from matters between the middle class and people.

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Amidst the wave of research that is furthering our understanding of blocs of consolidated villages (kumiai mura 組合村), which have been seen as middle level control mechanism within all the territories ruled by the Tokugawa Bakufu, this paper takes up widespread legal petitioning movements carried out by agricultural villages throughout the environs of Edo. In the eleveth month of 1789 (Kansei 寛政 1), a confederation of villages around Edo lodged a complaint with the Bakufu's Taxation and Judicature Functionary (Kanjo Bugyo 勘定奉行) in a legal attempt to bring about reductions in the price of fertilizer-use night soil. At its height, this legal battle brought together a total of 1016 villages, thus rivaling in scale provincial level legal struggles (kokuso 国訴) carried on in the Kinai region of western Japan. The night soil which had accumulated in the townships (machikata 町方) and samurai residential areas (yashiki-kata 屋敷方) of Edo proper was under contract (shimo-soji keiyaku 下掃除契約) collected by surrouding peasants as a valuable source of crop fertilizer. However, during the latter half of the eighteenth century, there appeared certain persons who attempted to capture night soil collection rights from peasants through contract price competition, which resulted in substantial increases in the contract prices offered to the residents of Edo proper. In response to this inflationary situation, the surrounding villages petitioned the Bakufu, based on such intervillage resolutions as bans on such competitive practices and the return of collection rights which had been taken away through such practices. The demands made to the Taxation and Judicature Functionary aimed at an autonomous system of night soil collection and included 1)official recognition of inter-village resolutions, 2)the prohibition of night soil collection by townsfolk not under the control of village administrators, and 3)recognition of contract price reduction negotiations and their dissemination throughout Edo proper. Four years later in the sixth month of 1792 (Kansei 4), a decision was handed down, which refused to recognize inter-village resolutions, but which prohibited townsfolk involvement in collecting and contracting activities, and recognized full agricultural villager control of night soil. Also during this four years period, organized groups of villages were successful in reducing through negotiation the contract price of night soil. After offering a general outline of the litigation movement as a whole, the author turns to the question of how this movement was organized. The most outstanding characteristic of this organization is the fact that it was a total consolidation of villages according to regional units called "ryo" 領 (territories) and irregardless of differences between various feudal lords which ruled over the regions. Ryos were middle level administrative units within the Edo environs and had been organized for the exaction of the various dues to be performed in relation to samurai falconing grounds. Various directives (furetsugi 触次) had been issued to these ryos concerning the control of their villages ; however, execution of these directives was left to a council of village adminitrators within the ryo (ryochu hyogi 領中評議). In the case of the night soil collection rights legal struggle of 1788, a total of 37 ryos took part and a group of 21 petitioning representatives were set up. These representatives, from their bositions on a representative council (ryoryo hyogi 領々評議), both looked into the policies taken by the movement and gave guidance to the villages in drawing up their resolution documents. Therefore, it was through the three levels of village assembly (mura yoriai 村寄合) --- ryo council (ryochu hyogi) --- ryo confederation council (ryoryo hyogi) that the demand of the peasants was taken up and a consensus was reached concerning an autonomous system of night soil collection. This consensus was reaffirmed th

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