This paper focuses on the symbolism and merits of the six-syllable formula (ṣaḍakṣarī-vidyā), wish-fulfilling jewels (cintāmaṇi), and other symbols that represent the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara in the Kāraṇḍavyūha-sūtra (KV). The paper also indicates differences between the Gilgit manuscript version (G ver.) from the 7^th century and the Nepal manuscript version (N ver.) dating to after the 11^th century.

According to the G ver., Avalokiteśvara has symbolic elements such as the six-syllable formula, wish-fulfilling jewels, a hand gesture for the sign of a lotus (padmāṅkā-mudrā), a maṇḍala in which Avalokiteśvara, Amitābha, and Śākyamuni are depicted, and, additionally, a universal emperor (Cakravarti-rāja) and a lotus that are not integrated into the maṇḍala. Conversely, these symbolic elements are integrated into the maṇḍala of the great six-syllable formula described in the N ver.

Only the N ver. states that those who propagate the KV with a wish-fulfilling jewel, for example, will be welcomed by twelve Tathāgatas in their last moments. This statement is influenced by the larger Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra, which mentions twelve Tathāgatas in the most popular Chinese translation, or nineteen in the Sanskrit version. These Tathāgatas represent a light of the Tathāgata Amitābha, who welcomes a person in his last moments, and the influence of devotion to the paradise of Amitābha is stronger in the N ver. than in the G ver.

Consequently, we may conclude that symbolic elements and merits of the six-syllable formula and wish-fulfilling jewels, along with other symbols, have been gradually improved from the G ver. and/or integrated into the N ver. under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism and the cult of Amitābha’s paradise.

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I have earlier made clear that the visualized principal image of Cintāmaṇi in the visualization protocol of the Ippokai soriya-hō 一法界法 （Secrets of Rishukyō-bō 理趣経法）, was Mikan hōju 密観宝珠, which attracted attention in research on medieval hōju and was regarded as the principal image of the Nyoirin-Kannonhō 如意輪観音法.

Furthermore, from the standpoint of understanding that the Rishukyō-bō is the Hōju-hō 宝珠法, it was found that there was a case of secretly reading the Rishu-kyō （Adhyardhaśatikā prajñāpāramitā） during the Goshichinichi no mishi-hō 後七日御修法.

As this principal image had the character of being a symbol of Mahāvairocana of the non-duality of the Vajradhātu and Garbhadhātu, it was later adopted as the central object of worship when Kōshin 弘真 established the Sanzon Gōgyō-hō 三尊合行法.

The Sanzon Gōgyō-hō is even said to be among the achievements of Cintāmaṇi worship, and the shape of the Cintāmaṇi, which was established as the principal image of the Ippokai soriya-hō and likely influenced the Sanzon Gōgyō-hō, is pointed out.

Therefore, I think that the existence of the Rishukyō-bō as a Hōju-hō called Ippokai soriya-hō can be added as a topic of Cintāmaṇi worship.

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　『毘沙門天王経』は、不空三蔵によって漢訳された経典である。この経典は、義浄訳の『金光明最勝王経』中「四天王護国品」の内容と一部、対応箇所がみられる。
　前稿において、これら両経典の対応箇所について取り上げ、構造部分を対比し考察をおこなった。
　本稿では、前回ふれられなかった、両経典の内容の部分について比較検証した。既に両経典がほぼ対応関係にあることは指摘しているが、改めて『毘沙門天王経』は、「四天王護国品」よりも内容が整理され、手法などが詳細に説かれている。
　そして、「四天王護国品」では、あくまで多聞天の持つ陀羅尼とその功徳を説く内容となっているが、『毘沙門天王経』では毘沙門天の心真言つまり毘沙門天自身とその功徳を説いている経典といえよう。

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　江戸時代後期に活躍した真言僧の慈雲（一七一八～一八〇四）は悉曇学を大成し、又戒律の復興を目指し、釈迦在世当時の正法律を唱導、更に空海が唐より伝えた十善戒を戒体として道俗問わず、人となる道を説くなど、教学に努めた学匠であり、神道もその一環であった。彼は、特に晩年70代近くになり記紀などの神道研究に専念するようになった。

　空海（七七四～八三五）が入唐時に、恵果阿闍梨から直伝された能作性（如意）宝珠は承和元年（八三四）の真言院での「後七日御修法」による鎮護国家祈願、玉体安穏、五穀豊穣の祈願法会を初めとして、

による修法は広まっていったが、又、空海は嵯峨天皇より、入唐後に、伊勢神宮にて「十種神宝図」を写し、特にこの神宝の中で生玉は能作性宝珠とするように勅令を受けた。

　本稿では、雲伝神道の伝授の「十種神宝図」を基に、慈雲の聞書他の著作からその慈雲の日本神話の神々と道教、易経、儒教、陰陽五行説等を融合した両部曼荼羅的解釈を検証し、慈雲の晩年における

観を考察したい。

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Vessantara Jātaka is a well known Buddhist text which has widely spread to all over Asian countries. The story tells a birth story of the Buddha Śākyamuṇi as being Prince Vessantara, featuring his great generosity to the extent that he has offered his children. This paper looks at a Tibetan text in which narratives similar to Vessantara Jātaka are found. The Tibetan text is called the Maṇi bka’ ‘bum, which is a “revealed text” (gter ma), being claimed to be authored by Srong btsan sgam po (d. 650), an ancient Tibetan king as being a manifestation of the Boddhisttva Avalokiteśvara, a tutelary deity in Tibet. The text narrates successive birth stories of the king, and two stories similar to Vessantara Jātara consists of them. There are several features in the two stories in Tibetan, which differ to the story commonly known as the Vessantara Jātaka like in the Pāli literature. The names of characters are different from those in the Pāli. For example, the main character of both stories is named ‘Jig rten dbang phyug (Skt. Lokeśvara) who has two queens, instead of one in the Pāli literature. One is identified as Srong bstan sgam po’s Nepali queen, and the other is his Chinese wife. Philosophically, also the stories teach Mahāyāna thoughts such as the generation of the mind towards enlightenment (sems bskyed), and a faith in the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara and his quintessential mantra oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ.

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It has traditionally been understood that after Kukai passed away, the maintenance and management of Shingon-shu was handed over to Jichie _??__??_, who became the Toji choja _??__??__??__??_on the tenth day of the fifth month of 836. This has been based on a complete acceptance of the details provided in such works as Toji choja shidai _??__??__??__??__??__??_ and Toji choja bunin _??__??__??__??__??__??_ although in ninth and tenth century public documents and historical records the Toji choja is not mentioned. The first extant historical appearance is in Kukai's Yuigo nijugokajo _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_of the of the mid-tenth century, which is treated as his last will (hereafter referred to by the common name, Goyuigo _??__??__??_). The next citation is in the Shingon fuho sanyosho _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_ of Seison _??__??_, which was written in the eleventh month of 1060.
In this report I first extracted and examined all the instances of the terms Toji choja and choja from the Goyuigo. As a result, four characteristics were observed: (1) Jichie as the (first) Toji choja, (2) the person first appointed as sogo _??__??_ is to be called the Toji choja regardless of years of monastic seniority, (3) several passages indicate the understanding that the Toji choja is the zasu dai-ajariya _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, who is the zasu dai-betto _??__??__??__??__??_, and (4) the Toji choja is in charge of: (a) the maintenance of the sutra repository of To-ji, (b) serving as the dai-ajari of officially sponsored kanjo-e _??__??__??_, (c) the examinations and ordinations of the yearly ordinands, (d) maintenance and management of Gufuku-ji _??__??__??_, and (e) maintenance and management of Kongobu-ji, _??__??__??__??_.
Next, I examined the first three earliest historical documents in which the word choja appears: Daigo tenno goki _??__??__??__??__??__??_, Benkan no kudashibumi _??__??__??__??_, and Sanjuchosakushi kanmon _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_. All were written in the eleventh month of 919, and the following three characteristics were noted: (1) all three use terms such as shu no choja _??__??__??_, shu no cho _??__??__??_, daidai shu no choja _??__??__??__??__??_, shingon choja ajari _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, and monto sogo shu no choja _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_; (2) it is possible to treat the position of shuchoja as having already been established by 919; and (3) this shuchoja is the general representative and head of all of Shingon-shu.
Finally, I searched for uses of the term Toji betto _??__??__??__??_ based on the fact that jige bettor _??__??__??__??_ had already been positioned in temples nationwide. I located three such records for the late ninth century. The first use in the Toji geyujoan _??__??__??__??__??__??_ referred to Shinzen _??__??_, and was dated on the twenty-fourth day of the fifth month of 888.
Based on the above findings, the process of establishing the choja of To-ji-the overall head of Shingon-shu-proceeded in five stages as follows: zo To ji shobetto _??__??__??__??__??__??_→denbo ajari _??__??__??__??__??_→toji betto _??__??__??__??_(jige betto _??__??__??__??_)→shu no choja _??__??__??_→Toji choja_??__??__??__??_. In other words, passing through the historical usages of zo Toji shobetto in Kukai's day, the denbo ajari of Jichie and Shin zei's _??__??_ time, Toji betto of Shinzen's time, and shuchoja of Kangen's _??__??_ day, at the time of the completion of the Goyuigo in the midtenth century the usage may be assumed to have been Toji choja.

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This study examines the source of the words used in the story of Kūkai’s 空海 visit to Enoshima 江の島 in the Manabon 真名本 version of the Enoshima-Engi 江島縁起, and clarifies the significance of this story.

A previous study by Kaneharu Fukushima 福島金治 pointed out the source of several passages. Based on this prior research, a more detailed examination was conducted in the present study. As Fukushima notes, part of Kūkai’s biographical account is largely made up of words from the Shoku-Nihon kōki 続日本後紀, Yuigō Nijūgokajō 遺告二十五箇条, Goshōrai Mokuroku 御請来目録, and so on. However, characteristic descriptions of the circumstances of Kūkai’s birth and the age of his ordination can also be found.

Quotations from the Konkōmyō Saishōōkyō 金光明最勝王経, in addition to the sentences pointed out by Fukushima, are seen in the section describing Kūkai’s visit to Enoshima. The stories of the appearance of the golden dragon, the burying of the wish-fulfilling gem Nyoihōju

, and the creation of a Benzaiten 弁才天 with a width of five fingers 五指量 indicate the author’s intention to link the legends about Kūkai to Enoshima.

We can conclude that the author included Kūkai in the Enoshima-Engi because his anecdotes and images are appropriate for Enoshima, where there is a belief in dragon caves.

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