In the period of the northern Sung dynasty, the production of salt in Huai-nan-Lu reached the highest level, and a large amount of salt interest was the resources of the country. In the early Sung dynasty, there was already the monopoly system of it.
Under the monopoly system the direct producer was apportioned his own liability, and as the reward, he was given Pen-chien (_??__??_) by the government. But the amount received was so small that they could only maintain the lowest standard of life.
The government monopolized the salt interest under this system. It was shown by the fact that the selling price by the government was ten times higher as compared with the buying price from the direct producer.
We find here the reason that the benefit of Pen-chien (_??__??_) was small.
In addition to these circumstances, the issue of Mo-ku-chao (_??__??__??_) caused divestment of salt interest by the commercial capitalists.
This was a heavier burden to the direct producer. As a result, the life of the direct producer was very hard.

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There are few studies about Chinese dwelling houses in historical ages because there are small research materials for it. However, there are many descriptions of dwelling houses in the records of disaster and extraordinary phenomena. Such descriptions are very simple but the total number of these descriptions is large. So I picked up such descriptions from Song-shi and counted each term which may mean dwelling houses.
As results, I got many terms and analyzed main 7 terms. Lushe 廬舎 means popular buildings, Min-she 民舎 means popular buildings of non-government people, Min-lu 民廬 means buildings which made by light materials, Min-ju 民居 means dwelling houses, Tian-lu 田廬 means buildings with fields, Jie 家 means someone's house, Wu 屋 means buildings and roofs.

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San-fo-ch'i appears in Chinese source materials from the 10th to 15th centuries and has been almost unanimously identified with Srivijaya. It is, however, well known that Chinese records on San-fo-ch'i in the second half of the 11th century contain several explicit mistakes and other parts that seem incomprehensible. The accepted theory that the capital of Srivijaya moved from Palembang to Jambi around 1080 is based on interpretation of these documents.
 After reexamination of all the related Chinese records, I reached a fundamentally different understanding on what San-fo-ch'i is in Chinese source materials.
 Concerning Ti-hua-chia-lo who sent tributary mission to China in 1077, and who was recorded as ruler of Cola on one hand and as ruler of San-fo-ch'i on the other, my conclusion is, without excluding any information from source materials as mistaken, that he represented the Cola power in San-fo-ch'i and that as such he was the ruler of San-fo-ch'i at the same time. The dominance of Cola in the San-fo-ch'i area seems to have been established through a great expedition to the area mounted in 1025, which is recorded in the so-called Tanjore inscription. His residence seems to have been at Kedah. And the seemingly mysterious descriptions of San-fo-ch'i-Chan-pi (San-fo-ch'i-Jambi) as a tributary state in 1079 and 1082 and of San-fo-ch'i-Chou-lien (San-fo-ch'i-Cola) also as a tributary state in 1082 can be explained if, by analogy with Ta-shih, which is a general name for Arab or East Asian countries, San-fo-ch'i is understood as a general name for countries in a particular area.
 Thus I conclude that San-fo-ch'i should be regarded not as a single polity or empire, like Srivijaya of the 7th and 8th century, which can safely be identified with Chinese Shih-li-fo-shih of Tang times, but as a general name for countries on the east coast of Sumatra and in the central and southern parts of the Malay Peninsula. San-fo-ch'i can be identified with Zabaj of Arab records, which includes Kalah (Kedah), Ramni (Aceh), Sribuza (Palembang?) and so on.
 This conclusion raises new problems hitherto unconsidered, some of which are mentioned in the last part of this paper.

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Luce 氏の著書は甚だ勝れたものであるが, 漢籍としては蛮書と嶺外代答・諸蕃志を引用しているに過ぎないので, その他の漢籍資料によってこれを補ってみよう。
李根源氏の永昌府文徴, 方国鍮氏の蒲甘伝補 (文史雑誌II. 11, 12) には〓鼎臣, 東原録の記事が引かれているが, これは誤で, この紀事は本来は張知甫の可書にみえている。宋代の史料として重要であるから全文を掲げる。そこには紹興丙辰 (6年, A. D. 1136) の大理国・蒲甘国の使者入貢の記載があり, 玉海 (巻153), 宋会要 (巻199蕃夷) にも関連記事がある。蒲甘は大理に対して附庸の関係と認められる。大理の使者に関して記されている彦賁という文字は官号である。宋代には大理国行程, 蒲甘国行程という本があったが, 後者は紹興年間には既に失われていた。崇寧5年(A. D. 1106) の蒲甘の入貢は Kyanzittha が大理の圧迫を受けて宋と結ぶ目的で派遣したと解されている。緬 (蒲甘) は崇寧2年 (A. D. 1103) 政和5年 (A. D. 1115) にも大理に入貢しており, 大理ではその頃高氏が政権を握っていた。大理の宋への入貢の様子 (A. D. 1115, 16) は大理伝に記されているが, 湖南経由の陸路をとるもので, 海路によったものではない。大理では仏教が広く行われ, 金書, 金銀書の経文を宋に奉っているが, 大威徳経と伝えられているのは大威儀経の訛であろう。ニユーヨークのメトロポリタン博物館所蔵の大理文治9年 (A. D. 1118) の金書の維摩経は重要な史料である。ビルマ人は大理を Gandhala とよんでおり, また Tarup=Turks とは“唐土”を指し, Utibwa (梵語 Udaya, 日の出) は吐蕃が南詔に与えた王号“日東王”に当る。Pyumandhi, Physawhti は驃苴底に当り, man, saw (chao) は共に王を指す。南詔野史にみえる祖先神話には仏教信仰があると共にこれを東亜人類の祖先となしている。元と蒲甘との関係についても趙子元の賽平章徳政碑, 李源道の崇聖碑などの史料を参考すべきである。台湾中央図書館所蔵の緬旬諸夷考略は乾隆年間の精写本であるが, 注目すべき記載がある。

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