I have studied about the each purpose of the two Encouragement Acts for the Marriage issued in 1724 and 1763 by tracing back to the Laws for the Military Houses ("Buke shohatto") restricting the range of social status of Daimyo's partner in life.
The Act of 1724 recognizes with some reservations that Daimyo takes a concubine as his wife, and the Act of 1763 permits the free remarriage though the first marriage is restrained strictly in the marriage range by "Buke shohatto".
The system of the hostage and "Sankin kotai" is the basic policy of Tokugawa Shogunate in order to control the Daimyos.
It seems that the Act of 1724 aims at reinforcing the hostage system, whereas shortening the stay in Edo under "Sankin kotai" system.
However, as a result of my research on the actual conditions, there are no documents or records showing that Daimyo actually took a concubine as his wife.
This means that in this period the institution of social position is more important than the new hostage system.
It seems that the purpose of the Act of 1763 is a relaxation of the restricted marriage range.
This supposition is supported practically by the investigation on the actual conditions of the marriages of Daimyos.

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本稿は、当館が所蔵する幕臣小野家の記録『官府御沙汰略記（かんぷごさたりゃっき）』の著者、小野直方（おのなおかた）について新たに判明した事実の概略を述べるものである。すなわち、江戸中期の江戸の暮らしと武士家族の日常を知るうえで欠かすことのできない記録『官府御沙汰略記』の著者小野直方が、従来言われているように小野直賢（おのなおかた）ではなく、その弟であった事実を明らかにした。

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Shūi-otogi-bōko Volume 5 Part 2 “Gishi-chūshi (Retainer’s death of loyalty)” more or less coincides, in recorded content, with material thought to have originated in the Natsume family. On the other hand, among the military records thought to have circulated at the time, there is no sign of a detailed record of the death in battle of Natsume-Yoshinobu.
Volume 1 Part 5 “Matsugo ni zaigō wo arawasu sō (Priest who exposed his sin at his end)” identifies temples and centers on content criticizing avaricious acts by priests. A descendant of Natsume-Yoshinobu’s third son, Nobutsugu, during the Genroku Era, was feudal lord of the area around Senkō-ji Temple, which features as stage in Volume 1 Part 5. Also, it can be assumed that Nobutsugu’s family residence was near to present-day Ishiwara in Sumida Ward, and that is not contradicted by the location given for the author in the preface.
From those points, I concluded that the probability is high that Genroku-Era hatamoto, Natsume-Yoshiakira, is the author, “Ryūshidō”. Through a method of slipping military stories into tales of the mysterious, it is likely attempting to celebrate the military feats of the ancestors. This work can be described as testimony for the involvement of hatamoto-level warriors in ukiyo-zōshi creation during the Genroku Era.

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The 1782 August 23 Ten'mei Odawara earthquake, magnitude 7.2-7.3, is one of the three M7-class earthquakes that occurred beneath the Odawara area on the northwestern coast of Sagami Bay, the Pacific coast of central Japan, since the 17th century. Two other events, the 1633 Kan'ei and 1853 Ka'ei Odawara earthquakes, were definitely accompanied by tsunamis and their rupture zones are estimated to have lain just beneath Odawara, a seashore city in the area, extending both inland and offshore directions. This estimation is in agreement with the fact that the 1633 and 1853 earthquake ground motions at Odawara were very strong. On the other hand, the 1782 Ten'mei Odawara earthquake had been considered to have been non-tsunamigenic after critical readings of historical documents by a few investigators, and its source region had been inferred to be situated inland north of Odawara city. TSUJI (1986), however, claimed that the 1782 earthquake generated a tsunami and estimated that the tsunami height was 4 m at a fishing village, Ajiro, based on the examination of two newly found historical documents. He estimated a nearly 30 km-long tsunami source region south off the Odawara coast in addition to the inland rupture zone. Tsuji's interpretation yields a north-south extent of faulting too long to be consistent with an M7-class earthquake. It also conflicts with the fact that the 1782 earthquake ground motion was not the heaviest at Odawara, which strongly suggests that Odawara was not just above the rupture zone. TSUJI (1986) reported at the same time that Atami, a seaside town between Ajiro and Odawara, was not struck by a tsunami in 1782, which seems unreasonable from the viewpoint of tsunami behavior; actually, at the time of the 1633 earthquake the estimated tsunami height at Atami was 4-5 m, whereas that at Ajiro was 3-4 m. Whether the 1782 Ten'mei Odawara earthquake generated a tsunami or not is very important for not only the estimation of its rupture zone, but also the seismotectonics of the series of Odawara earthquakes. TSUJI (1986) drew his conclusion by very intricate interpretation of two historical documents which don't give any explicit description of a tsunami at Ajiro in 1782 at all. In this paper I reexamine the two documents more carefully and address the difficulties in Tsuji's conclusion. By referring to various materials describing the history of Ajiro village from the 17th to the mid-19th centuries, I clarify that TSUJI (1986) misread vague, rather general, descriptions of huge waves due to storms as a tsunami. Thus, I reject the suggestion that the 1782 Ten'mei Odawara earthquake generated a tsunami, and I conclude that its source region is inland north of Odawara city.

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