韓国において, 1960年代以降の経済成長は著しく,地域住民の日常的な生活行動の範囲,すなわち生活圏は大きな変化をみせている.それに伴い,住民の生活において重要な機能を果たしてきた定期市もまた変容している.これら生活圏および定期市の変容過程を究明するのが本研究の目的である.
調査方法はアンケート調査を主とし,それに資料分析と実地調査を加えた.調査地域として忠清北道を選定し, 1940, 1955, 1965, 1980年の4時期における変容を調査した.その結果,次のことがわかった.高次の指標である高級品の購入行動,慰楽行動,農業特産品の出荷行動において変容が著しく,高次中心地の選択が目立っている.定期市は,生活水準の向上に伴ってある段階まで数的に増加するが,やがて交通の著しい発達などにより減少する.さらに,常設市・商店街の増加によって,定期市の機能も変容している.生活圏および定期市の分析から,本地域内において4段階の中心地階層構造が得られた.

抄録全体を表示

 The author shows that J. Condor has traveled to the afflicted area after the Nobi earthquake occurred on October 28, 1891., he posted a survey report from the site on "The Japan Weekly Mail.", and later summarized it in "AN ARCHITECT'S NOTES ON THE GREAT EARTHQUAKE OF OCTOBER, 1891." (herein after referred to as "NOTES"). He progressed to Nagoya, Gifu, Neo Valley, Ogaki and Osaka as research sites in the disaster area of the Nobi earthquake. This article aims to clarify the building year of the building and the character of the building about “Kankouba” in Nagoya where Condor visited. No research on this building has been seen in the past, and the following points are obvious.

 Condor said that in Nagoya's townhouse, the building called brickwork had been seriously damaged, among them, he reported the afflicted situation of Kankouba. Condor described the plane, the damage situation, the reason for the damage, about this building, and he called it Aichi-Kankouba. However, the damaged Kankouba in Nagoya, it was built in the east side of the former Tamaya-tyo 4 tyome, behind Nakamura-ya, this one built in 1889 suffered tremendous damage, and two photos were transmitted about this. The Kankouba that satisfied the conditions of location and construction year was Anei-kan. From the two photos, we can confirm that the third floor of wooden structure was set up on the brick upstairs. It is thought that Condor did not report this third layer because it was already finished cleaning up the third floor part.

抄録全体を表示

There are three factors making for urbanization which began with the Industrial Revolution. They are population growth, industrialization and the rise of the middle class. Sketches were made concerning some of these factors in Manchester during the Industrial Revolution : how they stimulated and determined the process of the urban growth of the town, and what the consequences were. The population of Manchester began to increase rapidly from around 1773, when a steam-driven factory had not yet been built. What brought about the population growth in this market town was the development of the cotton trade since the seventeenth century. The introduction of the factory system based on machinery, whose effect became to be felt strongly in the nineteenth century, increased the demand for labour. The population growth of the town, however, owed mainly to the immigration from surrounding rural districts, neighbouring countries and Ireland. The immigrants who swelled the industrial town were moved by the dream of a more prosperous way of life. And they brought to the town urbanism including anonymity and heterogeneity as a way of life. While the factory system forced the labourers and the townsmen into dissynchronization of work and life, education imposed time-discipline upon children, and these aspects of life have been socialized. Two main consequences of urban growth were the development of 'Urban Problems' and the pressure upon the old political system, the Court Leet. The rapid population increase outstripped the social overhead capital such as housing, streets, etc. The Court Leet's prime concern was not to deal with the deteriorated urban environment, but to keep the peace of the town. Both the townsmen and the Court Leet took that environment for granted as part of the normal pattern of urban life, so that no radical remedy was ever taken. In the last decades of the eighteenth century, on the other hand, industrialization and the increasing burden of taxation led to demands for political reform in Manchester. Apathy of the middle class towards the Court Leet was quickened into hostility against the manorial authorities. In consequence, the balance of power was completely changed in the first election based on the Reform Act of 1832, in which the middle class won overwelmingly against the old governing class. And also in the first election of the members of the Council in 1838 they gained a sweeping victory. Thus the subsequent course of politics in Manchester has come to be determined by the middle class.

抄録全体を表示

This article discusses approaches to a wide variety of historical markets in terms of incompleteness and asymmetry of information. After examining general features of information, it classifies information into two types. Type A consists of 'on spot information', which includes tacit knowledge that nonmembers of a certain club or community have difficulty acquiring, and mutually shared understandings about the basic frameworks for carrying out transactions. Since user shave difficult ascertaining the quality of information in advance, certain devices or institutions to certify the quality of the information are necessary. Among Chinese merchants in modern East Asia, the kebang network, made up of individuals from the same native place, was such a device, although the specific institutional form it took varied from society to society. Type B, on the other hand, consists of general market information such as price, volume of arrival and stock, exchange rates etc. Since there was relatively free access to such information, its prompt utilization was also critical in the Shanghai market. In each transaction both types played important roles. The variation of markets in history therefore derives from the fluctuating balance of these two types of information.

抄録全体を表示

中心地システムの研究は,クリスタラーの古典的中心地理論に始まり,都市施設を主とする通常の中心地システムの研究だけではなく,農村における定期市システムの研究も進められている.そして,最近では,定期市システムの研究の進展とともに,定期市システムから通常の中心地システムへの変容過程を扱う研究がみられるようになった.
本研究の目的は,定期市システムから通常の中心地システムへの変容過程を究明することにある.研究地域としては韓国忠清北道地域を選定したが,それは経済成長に伴う生活水準の向上,バス交通の発達および都市施設の増大などにより,農村地域から都市的機能地域への変容の著しい地域であることによる.研究結果は,次のようにまとめられる. (1) 中心地システムは,生活行動の変容が特に著しい3時期に対応し,それぞれ特性をもつ三つのシステムが認められた. (2) 1940年は,典型的な定期市システムの時期であり,中心地は三つの階層構成を呈していた. (3) 1965年は,定期市の発展期で,新設の定期市による準1次中心地が生まれたが,同時に高次の中心地では,都市施設の発展がみられた.この二つの矛盾する現象から,この時期には定期市システムと通常の中心地システムの併存がみられる.このシステムを混合システム都さらに定期市システムの要素がより強いことから,「定期市的混合システム」と名づけた. (4) 高度経済成長期を経た1980年は,都市施設の充実が一層目立ち,高度の都市施設をもつ4次中心地が新しく形成されるが,一方では,定期市が衰退または消失している.このように,この時期には都市施設が卓越する中で定期市の機能の残存がみられ,それに対応する中心地システムを「都市的混合システム」と名づけた. (5) 生活水準の向上,交通の発達とともに住民の生活行動は,局地的スケール (1940年)から地域的スケール (1965年),さらに国家的スケール (1980年)へと拡大している.したがって, 1980年における中心地システムを国家的スケールで考察すると,本地域と深いかかわりをもつ高次の地方中心地は存在せず,プライメイトシティーの首都ソウルが,最高次の中心地として本地域を直接支配するプライメイトシステムが認められた.

抄録全体を表示

In 13th century England, many feudal lords held regular markets. The Hundred Rolls of 1279, which covered Oxfordshire, Huntingdonshire and South Cambridgeshire, shows how the multiplication of markets influenced the labour and money rents of the villeins. In the Midlands, a highly manorialized region, some large "classic manors", such as Witney, Yaxley and Alwalton, were the sites for markets held by great ecclesiastical lords. In these manors, as in most manors of this region, rigid virgate systems were maintained and the villeins bore heavy labour rents. These markets were probably used for the shipment of demesne products. In Watlington and Holm, markets were held by the Earl of Cornwall. These manors lay in woodland areas, where the process of manorialization was far from complete. They acquired great sums of money by selling their products in the local markets. In other manors, where "primary markets" existed, for example Bampton, Charlbury and Gamlingay, the virgate system did not exist. The villeins' rents were very light and were paid mainly in money. These markets promoted the liberalization of the villeins. But even at these markets, the lords took the profits, such as rents for the stall and pitches, tolls on goods bought or sold, and dues for the use of standard measures. And from the burgages, they collected substantial rental fees. In the 13th century, the lords could benefit from holding markets. The feudal society was compatible with the market economy of both the lords and the peasants.

抄録全体を表示