Der Aufsatz hat den Zweck, durch die Untersuchung des Geburtsorts die Bedeutung und Struktur des Wohnorts als Umwelt des Daseins herauszufinden. In der Heian-Zeit (8-12 J. H.) gewohnlich entwickelt sich die Entbindungs-stube mit verschiedenen Geraten im Wohnhaus, das damals zu mutterlichseitingen Verwandten gehort. Aber wegen der Dokumente (hauptsachlich Tagebucher der Aristokraten) beschrankt sich hier der Bereich der Untersuchung auf die kaiserlichen und aristokratischen Familien. Man richtet die Entbindungsstube, Shiromi-cho (Weisses Bett mit Baldachin) ein mit Beginn der Geburtswehen, womit sich die Frau an ihrem Leib verandert, um mit der jenseitigen Welt oder dem Tod in Verbindung zu treten. Deshalb konnte Mono-no-ke (Geist des Lebenendes od. des Toten) diese Frau verzaubern, die ermordert wurde, wenn man ihn aus ihr mit magischen Gebeten nicht vertreiben liesse. Es folgt daraus, dass das Kind auch aus dem Jenseits oder dem Jenseits und Diesseits vorangehende Chaos entspringt. Der Einrichtung des weissen Betts sind verschiedenartige buddistische und shintoistische Rituale vorangegangen, um die wohlbehaltene Geburt zu sichern, z.B. die rituelle Kleidung ihres Gurtels, die Wahl der glucklichen Zeit ihrer Ausfuhrung und verschiedene Gebete. Auch diese Rituale mogen nur wirksam werden, wenn es darin irgend-welche Bezuge zwischen Jenseits und Diesseits gibt. Es ist also auszusagen, dass zwishen beiden Seiten Shiro-mi-cho zu finden ist, wo die Frau mit verandertem Leib gebiert. Darum eben wird dieses Bett nicht nur sehr sorgfaltig mit den Ritualen eingerichtet, sondern auch mit Shiro-kabe-shiro (weissem Tuchsvorhang), Misu (Bambussvorhang) und Shiro-kicho (beweglichem Schutzgerat von weissem Tuch) umschlossen, d.h. dass der geschlossene Raum, Muro, entsteht. Muro kann also das Verhaltnis der beiden Welten unterstutzen. In der spateren Phase der Heian-Zeit wird die Formalitat des Geburtsorts festgelegt : Gosan-goza (Geburtsort mit funf Tatami-matten und einigen Ueberzugen) und Shiro-micho sind getrennt, die beide normalerweise in Moya (Zentralzimmer im Wohnhaus) errichtet werden. Shiro-micho wird nach der Geburt von Kind und Mutter gebraucht und Gosan-goza ist fur den gleichen Zweck wie ehmalige Shiro-micho vorgelegt. Aber jetzt wird Shiro-micho besonders fur die Ausbildung der Umwelt des Kinds benutzt, weil das Bett selbst die magisch wirkende Kraft fur das Leben haben kann. Das Seiende im Bett bedeutet die Ausbildung der Lebensordnung (=Umwelt). Es wurde damals geglaubt, dass das Kind als die Zusammenfugung etwa von Himmel und Erde geboren wird. Diese Lebensordnung ist also von Himmel und Erde. Zwar das ganze Wohnhaus wird wahrend sieben Tagen nach der Geburt stark unter Mono-imi gehaltet und den sich darin Aufhaltenden ist verboten, mit der Aussenwelt zu verkehren. Es gibt auch verschiedene Zeremonien in dieser Zeit. Das heisst, diese Ordnung des Kinds wird durch diese Zeremonien nach und nach aufgebaut. Das Wohnhaus hat die bestimmte gewohnliche Ortsstruktur, z.B. formale Seit auf der Orientierung, Tief-Rand-Richtung, Oben-Unten-Richtung der Stande usw. Diese Richtungen sind im Geburtsort zusammenzogen, d. i. dieser Ort steht am obersten und am tiefsten. Aber hier-durch wird die Ordnung originar aufgebaut, deshalb bekommt die gewohnliche Ortsstruktur des Wohnhauses schon ihre Grundlage aus diesem Ort. Der Geburtsort ist originar.

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Generally speaking, the palace during the Heike Period is classified to two systems, one system is great and large palace and the other is new and smaller style, whose plan is simplified for practical use. In this study, the author introduced some typical and useful houses, and explained their special charactres.

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Nakahara-no-Syotei and Nakahara-no-Hantei who were supposed to be in the post of Myobohakase for about 30 years from 1160 or so, was one and the same person, and both of these two names, though written in different Japanese characters, should be pronounced as "Nakahara-no-Norisada".
It was not "Norisada " that was appointed to the post of Myobohakase for the first time in the Japanese history, but it was this "Norisada" of the Nakahara family that started with the Sakagami family transmitting "Myobo-kagaku" by heredity.

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The following results have obviously been obtained from the study on the transition and the reason for the exit of master in Sinden Style Residence. 1. In the case of Higashisanjoden (one kind of aristocratic residence), Minaminokizahashi (exit at south stair) of Higashinotai (東対) had been principally used as an exit for the master. 2. In the case of residence of Kanezane, two kinds of exit had been properly used, 0ne is the Minaminokizahashi of Shinden and Chumonro (中門廊). 3. In the case of residence of Kinkata, the Chumonro was mainly used as an exit for the master. 4. From the fifteenth century the reason to use the Minarainokizahashi disappeared and since then the Chumonro had been regarded as important.

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On this part of the paper, some factors to influence the actions on the urban space are inquired. As for Mikado's palades etc., after Suzaku-Oji was abandoned, many routs could be takeable on grid plan as Heian kyo. but there existed some factors influenced on the decision of the rout. 1) Ritual factor. They prefered the rout of precedents as far as possible. But it varied according to rituality of the parade. 2) Religious factor. This based on the belief in Onmyodo idea which dominated ancient human action. There existed some taboo for time and space, especially for orientation. The orientation at that time was decided by compornents of a right-angular coordinates. This means that the actions based on Onmyodo were well matched with the grid pattern of the capital. Also on this idea, they used to keep away from mourning house fearing the spirit and a parade often made a detour. 3) Another factor. After late Heian periode, the rout of parades of Mikado or others were often changed according to the convenience of an attendance by retired Mikado. This means not only decline of Mikado's authority but that of ritual feather in this ancient capital. These tendency had gone parallel with decay of spacial order and change in its quality. Oji (major street) and Koji (minor street), which had run right-angularly at the same intervals and sparated from buildings by earthern wall, lost their, trict order and were reorganized according to more economical functions of the city. In this process, advent of street architectures as shops took an important role for change in spatial quality.

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The purpose of this research is to clarify the actual condition of the last word “Tei” (亭) of the residence name that can be seen in the noble diaries from Heian to the early Kamakura period in Japan. In this paper, in addition to the noble diaries featured by Hoshi et al., “Suisaki” “Sankaiki” “Gumaiki” “Kanchuki” and “Sentogoishiburuiki” are newly considered. It is also necessary to compare “Tei” (亭) with “Tei” (第).

Summarize the following research results.

① In the 10th and 11th centuries, I reaffirmed Hoshi et al.’s claim that “Tei” (亭) are few and “Tei” (第) is heavily used. Also, “Tei” (第) was said to be used for the residence of high-ranking nobles, but according to “Shoyuki”, it was also applicable to “Tei” (亭).

② Hoshi et al. claimed that “Tei” (亭) was heavily used from the middle of the 11th century, this was confirmed in this paper. Furthermore, As seen from the cases of residences “Tei” (亭), the court rank of residents was widely as “Tei” (第).

③ The around 1100, namely from the latter half of the 11th century to the first half of the 12th century, it was a transitional period from the last word “Tei” (第) to “Tei” (亭) of residences, Since then, “Tei” (亭) was used more often than “Tei” (第).

④ In the 12th century, “Tei” (亭) was supposed to be dominant, but in “Daiki” and “Gyokuyo”, “Tei” (第) is also used. And there was a difference in the tendency depending on the diaries.

⑤ In the 13th century, either “Tei” (亭) or “Tei” (第) was not dominant, but both were used in the same way.

⑥ In “Gonijomoromichiki” “Chuyuki” “Denryaku” “Sankaiki” and “Gyokuyo”, the owner’s residence uses more “Tei” (亭) than “Tei” (第), or only “Tei” (亭) was used. Specially “Gyokuyo”, that was thought to have used “Tei” (亭) selectively.

In the 13th century, it is unusual for sticking use “Tei” (第) and not use “Tei” (亭) at all in “Inokumakanpakuki”. “Kanchuki” has the same tendency. May be influenced by the personality and writing habits of the writer. It is necessary to conduct detailed verification and analysis around “Tei” (亭) “Tei” (第) or the other residence words, and further expanding the times.

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If one were to analyze the previous research work done on provinces held in fief (chigyokoku 知行国), one could divide this work into studies on the changes which took place in that system over time and studies of the system's structural characteristics. As opposed to the former's tendency to limit itself merely to provinces held in fief by the Taira Family (Heishi 平氏), in this essay the author attempts to trace the development of provincial fiefdoms in general over the whole period of the retired emperor's house rule (Insei-ki 院政期) from 1086 to 1179. In concrete terms, the author will trace the changes which occurred in the provincial fiefdoms held not only by the Taira but also by the female members of the retired emperor's family (Nyoin 女院), house advisors (In-no-kin-shin 院近臣) and the Fujiwara Regents (Sekkanke 摂関家), and investigate the changes in relation to the political process of the time. In his investigations the author was able to discover some previously unnoticed historical materials which helped him to make the following points : 1)Provinces held in fief were established into a system in the form of allotments to house advisors ; however, this stage was only achieved after the 2nd year of the Kajo 嘉承 era (1107), when the house government of the ex-emperor Shirakawa 白河 got under way in earnest. 2)Provincial fiefdoms formed the material base of the lord/vassal relationship between the ex-emperor and fiefdom holders ; and the appointed numder of these fiefdoms was the numerical expression of the degree of intimacy between the two parties. And for that reason, all fiefdom holders went out in many ways to both maintain and increase their appaointed number. 3)The Taira Family, through the risings of the Hogen 保元 and Heiji 平治 eras (1156 and 1159), succeeded in expropriating the provincial fiefdoms held by house advisors and the Fujiwara Regents, and built the Taira hegemony upon them which lasted until 1185. 4)The fact that the infeudation of the top administrative office for Kyushu, Dazaifu 太宰府, was urged by both the Taira and the Fujiwara Regents, proves that the provincial fiefdom system also spread to various offices within the imperial court.

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Kinhira-kouki tells us on an opening of business ritual at the house of the chief officer of kebiisi (in Kebiisichou-hajimeki, written by Saionji Kinhira in 1287) and a record of Shokunmon-In on the giving birth (Shoukunmon-In Osanguki, in 1303).
The Buddhist rituals called Godanho is the ritual of the delivery, and it was taken place at the Samurai-rou corridor in Imadegawadono. The opening business ritual of the police Kebiishi was also held at the same location. In 1303, when the place for Godanho was prepared at the corridor, a wall dividing the north and the south had been constructed there and it made it difficult to extend the ritual space sufficiently as before. This wall was not depicted in the Godanho Sashizu drawn in 1265, therefore it tells us that the dividing wall in the Samurai-rou corridor of Imadegawadono was built between 1265 and 1303.
This paper considers the reason for the establishment of the dividing wall, as well as linking it to an analysis on the examples of aristocrats Shinden-zukuri residences utilized as the office of police, Kebiishi.

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This paper aims to investigate the morphological development and its peculialities of Heian-kyo (now Kyoto), an ancient capital of Japan, by tracing change of some actions of men on her urban spaces. This means also to investigate some interrelation between morphological form and men's actions on it. The traceable actions by historical records are mainly limited to that of ritual ones, such as parades of Mikado or nobilities. 1) Mikado's parades to Kasuga shrine and Iwashimizu shrine. These shrines are situated to the south of the capital and parade from palace, which was usually in northern part of the city, went down across the city. Before 1100 most of these parades took Suzaku-Oji, the central N-S street as Cardo maximus in the ancient Roman cities. But after 1100, gradually Suzaku-Oji became to be abandoned and, instead of it, Omiya-Oji or Higashitoin-Oji which were other N-S main streets on eastern part of the city. This fact corresponds to the breakdown of geometrical strictness of the capital's form and its sprawling development to ards the east. It also means the decay of ritual feature of urban space which had been an outstanding character of ancient capital, originated in Chinese city concept. 2) Mikado's parades to other shrines or detached palace, the same inclination is observed.

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