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  • 山本 博文
    史学雑誌
    1983年 92 巻 6 号 955-1001,1106-
    発行日: 1983/06/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー

    It is well known that, in the process of Toyotomi Hideyoshi's (秀吉) invasion of Korea, various feudal lords (daimyo 大名) were subjected to a consolidated military service levy based on the annual output in terms of rice (kokudaka 石高) of their domains. In this essay, the author will take up the process of how daimyo, who had not yet dismantled the castles and forts, built within their domains by warlords, during the previous Sengoku period (1467-1568), were able to muster the great amount of men and provisions for the Korean expedition. For this purpose, the Shimazu Family (島津氏) of Kyushu (九州), who played a leading role in the invasion, will be taken as a case in point. Actually, the Shimazu Family was not able to provide a military force for the initial maneuvers involved in the first expedition to Korea (1592-1595), and was, therefore, called upon to carry "Japan's greatest follow-up campaign." For this purpose, a land survey was carried out by a Toyotomi functionary, Ishida Mitsunari (石田三成), with an aim to significantly increase the directly held domains of the Shimazu Family. However, such a plan was nipped in the bud due to the resistance, forthcome from various classes of Shimazu subjects in response to the re-apportionment of fiefs effected by the Ishida survey. As a result, 78,000 koku 石 of the Shimazu holdings, valued at a total 200,000 koku, went into fallow due to an insuffiicience of cultivators. What this all means is that the original intent of Hideyoshi's land surveys (Taiko Kenchi 太閤検地), that is, the creation of direct daimyo holdings capable of satisfying the need for military provisions, as well as the formation of an enfeoffed entourage capable to shoulder the burden of military service, were, in a word, thwarted. Being unable to answer the call to arms, and faced with possible relocation out of Kyushu or even fall from daimyo status, the Shimazu were driven to expediency. Therefore, with promises of fief appropriations, they demanded such groups as locally based samurais (jizamurai 地侍) within their domains and direct vassals desiring additions in their holdings, to stand as the Shimazu force for the invasion of Korea. This demand was answered by a self-provisioned army, composed of such people as the former vassals of families, who had previously opposed the Shimazu and had fallen, vassals who had lost a good portion of their fiefs as a result of the Shimazu's pledge of allegiance to the Toyotomi Family, and local samurais who had been amassing military power while pracficing agricultural management. While, on the surface, the military forces under the Toyotomi regime were to be supported by funds from the public coffers, in the case of the Shimazu Family, whose direct holdings were incapable of provisioning a standing army, it to muster all voluntary self-provisioned force was the only possible alternative. In this very fact lies the proof to negate the conventionally held opinion that the military forces mustered by the Shimazu Family and other families of daimyo status for the Korean expeditions, were standing armies of military men completely separated from agricultural activities (heino bunri 兵農分離). Despite being the object of a thorough cadastre carried out by the central regime, the Shimazu domains still widely maintained local samurai status holders unremoved from agrarian responsibilities ; and rather than daimyo power working to negate these soldier-farmers, it actually strove to garner their support in meeting the military service demanded by the Toyotomi regime. Later, between the years 1611 and 1614, the Shimazu were to carry out their own land surveys and promulgate (in 1611) a set of restrictions ordering the separation of soldier and peasant. However, despite this, some of samurai rank throughout the Tokugawa feudal (bakuhan 幕藩) system still, in rare cases, set up camp in agrarian villages, and took the lead in

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  • 眞田 幸俊
    電子情報通信学会 通信ソサイエティマガジン
    2016年 10 巻 1 号 44-45
    発行日: 2016/06/01
    公開日: 2016/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 紙屋 敦之
    史学雑誌
    1991年 100 巻 12 号 2067-2072
    発行日: 1991/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 松崎 茂
    日本建築学会論文報告集
    1961年 69.2 巻 825-828
    発行日: 1961/10/10
    公開日: 2017/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 新谷 洋二
    日本土木史研究発表会論文集
    1986年 6 巻 235-242
    発行日: 1986/06/25
    公開日: 2010/06/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    わが国の都市には近世初頭に建設された城下町に端を発するものが多いので、その成立の経緯・時期は都市計画史上のみならず土木史上からも重要である。また近世の城は必ず城下町をともなっていた。これらの近世の城と城下町の創築状況を中部・大類・鳥羽・玉置らの成果を基にして、小川は「日本土木史概説」の中に有用な一覧表を作成して示している。しかし上記諸文献の記述の中には幾つかの問題点が存在することが見出だせる。これは城と城下町の成立年代が不確かで、複数個以上の説が存在するだけでなく、近世の城が土木・建築構造物であるために、土木工事 (普請) の完成か、建築工事 (作事) の完成かによって、示された年次に混線があること、また年次自体をとってみても、それが領主の入部の時期か、あるいは工事の計画・着工・概成・完成のどの時期を示すのかも曖昧であることにもよっている。人名・地名の変更も混線の一因となつている。以上の課題を明確にするため、年表作成上、問題点の見出だせる幾つかの城と城下町についてケース・スタディを行い、正しい表現のあり方を検討するとともに、城郭史年表に関して試論的な検討を行うことによって、土木史年表の作成に当たって検討すべき課題を考究した。
  • 加藤 百一
    日本醸造協会誌
    2002年 97 巻 11 号 774-782
    発行日: 2002/11/15
    公開日: 2011/09/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 特に中世末期、近世を中心とした泡盛酒の系譜について
    加藤 百一
    日本釀造協會雜誌
    1958年 53 巻 3 号 198-203
    発行日: 1958/03/15
    公開日: 2011/11/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―薩摩・島津家の文化環境との関わりから―
    鈴木 彰
    中世文学
    2012年 57 巻 14-24
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2018/02/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中野 等
    交通史研究
    2002年 50 巻 23-38
    発行日: 2002/07/22
    公開日: 2017/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本国境形成史試論
    長嶋 俊介
    国際政治
    2010年 2010 巻 162 号 162_114-129
    発行日: 2010/12/10
    公開日: 2012/10/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    The expansion and convergence of Japan's “borders” at first glance looks natural. However, if we shift it to the “periphery,” one can see some artificialness. Previous research discussed Japan's border and boundary, presenting novel views on Japan's past and present.
    As an island nation, Japan has been beset with problems and conflicts. It is difficult to attribute these contradictions by using simple oppositional relations such as the ‘central’ and the ‘periphery.’ The formation of modern Japan as an island nation is a product of peripherally located islands integrated towards the central mainland. On the other hand, the fact that war, coercion, and competition among islands ended diversification cannot be overlooked.
    The boundary formation of Japan's islands possibly went through four phases: “blur,” a bound area without a defined range but with a spread; “zone,” a boundary with a recognized width; “dashed line,” a confirmed but unofficial line demarcating sphere of influence); and “solid line,” a legally defined border.
    This change may have been affected by the expansion of the power sphere and the island groups being separated by the straits. However, ancient Japan, or Wa, could not have had territorial ambition towards the Asian continent. On the contrary, Wa acquired its authority from the Chinese and was on its way to building a unified legal state. The straits were a buffer zone between ancient Japan and China and Korea.
    Soon, Japan's sphere of power expanded to distant islands by developing an occupational foundation. In the modern era, to the west and to the south, Japan expanded to the Korean peninsula and the inlands of the Asian continent, and eventually expanded to the Inner and the Outer South Seas. In those areas, the use of armed forces to wage war assumed a major role in the formation of the “border.” To the north, despite Japan's peaceful acquisition of Chishima, the history of border transformation, after the complete occupation of Sakhalin following the Russo-Japanese War, has been irrevocably tied to war.
    This article reconsiders the meaning of the Japan's ‘border’ and the processes that lead from its expansion to its reduction following World War II. This will be done by highlighting the issues and problems relating to border islands. The author pays particular attention to islands where turbulent changes lead to confusion in the society, to decline, and to being ‘peripheralized.’ Examining how these border islands managed hardships will prove indispensable for viewing and establishing policies on Japan's future border islands.
    There have been arguments against studying the meaning of “boundaries” in the context of Japanese history, but this article challenges the present conditions.
  • 史学雑誌
    1981年 90 巻 10 号 1590-1615
    発行日: 1981/10/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1981年 90 巻 12 号 1738-1764
    発行日: 1981/12/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 上原 兼善
    社会経済史学
    2006年 71 巻 5 号 505-522
    発行日: 2006/01/25
    公開日: 2017/06/09
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    After the death of Toyotomi Hideyoshi, the shogun Tokugawa leyasu followed the marine order maintenance policy of Hideyoshi and adopted a trade control policy. Moreover, leyasu planned to trade with Mexico, using Uraga as the base for foreign trade. Uraga is in the Kanto region and was the power base of the Tokugawa Shogunate. As a matter of course, this plan implemented by leyasu affected the foreign trade conducted by the daimyo, or feudal lords. The purpose of this paper is to examine the foreign trade that the Shimazu clan, one of the daimyo of western Japan, conducted with the Philippines and China. The Tokugawa Shogunate's negotiations with Spain, the colonial ruler of Mexico, for trade with Mexico were conducted through the missionaries and other foreigners living in Japan. In 1609, in the midst of the negotiations, the Shogunate changed its main foreign trade partners, shifting its focus from Portugal to Holland and Spain. Thus, 1609 was a pivotal year in that the destinations of the goods exported from Japan, mainly silk, were shifted from Portugal to Holland and Spain. Furthermore, in 1611, Nagasaki was designated to serve as the sole port of call for ships from Tang China. The policy of banning other foreign trade bases was thus strictly enforced. This policy of the Shogunate pushed the Shimazu clan, which had been actively fostering trade ties with China, into a tight corner. This suggests that the Tokugawa Shogunate, besides seeking to prevent the spread of Christianity throughout Japan, also sought to build a system of trade control.
  • 丸山 雍成
    交通史研究
    1986年 15 巻 1-39
    発行日: 1986/06/28
    公開日: 2017/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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