The Chin Shu or Official History of the Chin Dynasty,130 volumes in total, was finished by Fang Hsüan-ling et al.in A.D.635.Astronomical records are included in its astronomical chapters. The data cover the periods from A.D.221 to A.D.420, including the times of the Three Kingdoms, the Former and Later Chin Dynasties. Among the whole records, the solar eclipses, the moon's occultations of the planets and the trespassings of the planets with one another are examined numerically by the method of astronomical chronology. The following conclusions are obtained. (1) Among 82 solar eclipses; 49 are proved to have been visible as eclipsed either at Loyang (capital of both the Wei and the Former Chin Dynasties) or at Nanking (capital of the Later Chin Dynasty). Visibility of the recorded eclipses is 49/82 = 60 percents. (2) Among 52 records of the moon's trespassings against at the planets,19 occultations and 25 trespassings are identified. So identification rate of the records is 44/54 = 81 percents. (3) Among 46 records of close encounters of the planets with one another, 36 are proved to be reasonable. So identification rate of the data is 36/46 = 72 percents. (4) The remaining percentages of the above records are classified as questionable because of their impossibility of identification. However, some of them turn reasonable if we try a tiny revision, for instance, change the date or the planet's name in the records. This proves to be a result of copying errors. In the case of solar eclipses, ancient technique of eclipse prediction may be another cause of poor coincidence.

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This paper demonstrates the following:
(1) In the Former Han _??__??_ Period the i _??_ which the common people engaged in as chêng-shuo _??__??_ consisted of the three kinds; kêng-shuo _??__??_ shu-pien _??__??_ and chêng_??_. Kêng-fu_??__??_ which is found in Han-shu Shih-huo-chi _??__??__??__??__??_ means the engagement in the three kinds of i _??_, the period of engagement in each of i _??_ being a month per annum. The people who did not engage in i _??_ paid the government san-pai-wên _??__??__??_ for each of i _??_.
(2) The i _??_ of shu-pien_??__??_ was actually imposed for a year in rotation, as the result of which many cheng-shuo _??__??_ paid san-pai-wen _??__??__??_ to the government without engaging in the i _??_. This i _??_ was also imposed upon male members of families of high-ranking officials.
(3) The chêng-shuo _??__??_ were supplied with living expenses by the government during the period of their engagement in i _??_.
(4) The i _??_ of chêng _??_ was imposed not only upon the common people but also upon low-ranking professional soldiers selected as such from among the common people, who engaged exclusively in the i _??_ of chêng_??_. The common people who engaged in this i _??_ were called wei-shuo _??__??_, while the low-ranking professional soldiers who engaged in this i _??_ were called wei-shih _??__??_, the duties of the latter i _??_ being a high-grade one in comparison with those of the former.
(5) The common people, upon completion of the period of the cheng-shuo's _??__??_ engagement, still engaged in easy i _??_ for some years as hsien-shuo _??__??_.
(6) Elimination of Shu-shuo-ling _??__??__??_ in 167 B. C., i.e. in the 13th year of Emperor Wên-ti _??__??_ in the Han _??_ Dynasty means the lessening of the i _??_ of shu-pien _??__??_ and Chêng_??_, which is related to the intention of moving the common people to the northern borders of territory of the Han _??_ Empire to make them take up garrison duties.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the position of Fu-zuo and Chixing in the penal system of the Han Dynasty. Generally, Fu-zuo is considered as a slight punishment, and Chi-xing is considered as prisoners whose punishments are commuted because of their aristocratic rank. But I conclude that Fu-zuo and Chi-xing are the names of punishment which is commuted to the lower by the amnesty.
After the change of the labour penal system in Wen-Ti _??__??_in 167 BC, when an amnesty was granted, the prisoners being condemned to death were commutated to the labour penalty, and the prisoners being imposed a labour penalty were cut down their term of imprisonment. Such prisoners were called Fu-zuo or Chi-xing. A lot of them were commanderred to the outlying region of North and used as soldiers and farmers till the maturity of their term. But after maturity, they could enter in the family register with their families at the front prefecture.
Besides, when an amnesty was granted, some Chi-xing were transfered to the studio in a capital that was called Zuo-xiao _??__??_. They were cut down their term and at work there.
In the Han's penal system, punishments were divided into two groups. One group consisted of death punishment and labour punishment. These two punishments were the main of penal system. And another group consisted of Chi-xing. It was, so to speak, to reserve labour and colony. So in case of need, it was extracted from regular prisoners by an amnesty.

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Since the ch'in documents were discovered in Hupei, China, remarkable progress has been made in the field of Chinese history.
This thesis aims to investigate some of the legal policies that were made during the Ch'in and Han Dynasties.
SECTION I covers the rules on the "excuses and extenuations" from punishment for the youth and the aged during Ch'in Dynasty.
We know that during the T'ang Era general rules of "excuses and extenuations" were integrated into their legal system.
Through the examination of Ch'in documents we can trace back some of these general rules to the Ch'in-lü _??__??_.
Namely, in trials for penal offences, allowances were made for the youth and the aged. But the definitions of the "youth" during the Ch'in Dynasty were different from the definitions of "youth" used during the Han Dynasty to the present.
During Ch'in Dynasty "youth" and "adult" were. distinguished by one's height.
The dividing line between "youth" and "adult" was set at 6 Ch'in feet (23.1cm×6=138cm).
So, when a "youth" commits a crime, his punishment is commuted.
In regard to the aged person, his rights were protected by a special provision, namely the provision of "pu hsia" _??__??_.
SECTION II mainly covers the general rules of "excuses and extenuations" during the Han Dynasty. During the Han Dynasty, further provisions were made, such as
1) Provisions for those under age fifteen, for youth under ten, eight and seven, various degrees of commutions were done.
2) With Confucian influence, the policies of mercy for the aged, disabled and women were applied one after another, and the policies were completed in the T'ang-lü _??__??_.
SECTION III covers the census-taking system.
Through "Hou Han shu" _??__??__??_, we know that during the Han Dynasty the annual census-taking was held in Aug. of each year. Through my research of the Ch'in documents, I have proven that this Han system is traceable to the Ch'in Dynasty.
SECTION IV covers the meaning of a passage in Han-chiu-i _??__??__??_.
It includes the following provision: "nien wu shi liu mien" _??__??__??__??__??_.
In 1941, Prof. Shigeo Kamata theorized that this passage shoud be a provision concerning the land tax and service duties.
On the other hand, in 1957 Prof. Mitsuo Moriya theorized that this passage was a reference to a provision in the "excuses" for punishment. Prof. Kamata's viewpoints are probably closer to the truth.
The ability of tax and service duties was determined by the person's "productive capacity". This "productive capacity" was determined by the person's medical status.
In other words, person's ability was determined on medical grounds. During the Han Dynasty "Huang ti su wan ching" _??__??__??__??__??_ was widely read and accepted as the medical text. It reads as following: "at the age of fifty-six, man's liver, muscle and generative functions decline" (VOL, 1).
The passage is the basis for the "nien wu shi liu mien "provision.

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本稿は、魏晉南北朝時代の聽訟と録囚について、擔い手と場所を手がかりにその歴史的意義を考察したものである。皇帝による聽訟は、魏の明帝が新たな王朝の權威を確立すべく、洛陽の聽訟觀で行なったものを嚆矢とする。兩晉時代になると聽訟觀では專ら録囚が行なわれたが、依然として皇帝大權を象徴する重要な建物であることに變わりはなかった。南朝では、華林園で皇帝が聽訟を行なうことが劉宋初期から定例化していた。頻繁に聽訟を行なった皇帝には、いずれも帝權の強化を指向した點で共通していた。劉宋末から南齊にかけて、皇帝による聽訟の場は中堂・閲武堂に移ったが、これも君權の確立・強化を目指した結果であった。梁の武帝は漢代的な司法のあり方の復活を企てる傍ら、録囚を制度化し、法官や近臣に委ねようと試みた。一方、北魏では當初、漢人官僚が聽訟の實務一切を委ねられたが、洛陽遷都後は皇帝自らが冤訟を受理・裁決するようになった。南朝と對峙する中で、大權を握る皇帝の姿を誇示する必要が生まれたのであろう。聽訟のあり方は、北周から隋にかけて大きく變貌した。皇帝は宮城で聽政に勤め、聽訟もそこで行なわれたのである。北朝の録囚は、災異説により旱魃對策として行なわれた。この背景には漢化政策の進行がある。北周以後、録囚と旱魃の關連は希薄になり、隋では録囚が定例化された。皇帝による録囚は、大理寺からの報告に應じて聽政の場でなされた。

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