This paper analyzes the process how the government sanction had been obtained to the plan on the First Lake Biwa Drainage Project. The conclusions are as follows, 1) Distinguished officials in Meiji Government agreed to this plan, because they had pursued the modernization of the town and country to build up the national power. 2) Public Works Bureau in the Ministry of National Affairs under the influence of Chosyu Group, approved this plan in 1885, after driving away the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce under the influence of Satsuma Group. 3) Kyoto Prefecture had arranged the reasonable plan, the financial estimate and resources for this project upon which Meiji Government was able to step into the agreement on the sanction.

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The aim of this study is to examine the transition of the Comprehensive National Development Plans which were formulated four times after World War II in Japan. The planners of these national plans were coping with the social questions, especially, how to achieve the goal what the people expected the administration for their'better quality of life. The planners in those days also should have taken into account the prevailing theories in foreign countries.
In this paper, I try to make clear what basic thought was in each plan, and then, advocate the existence of a cycle of the ideas in the planning history.

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More than 20 drafts on the law amendment on political ethics have been presented to the Japanese Diet until now. Yet they remain not discussed in the Diet. Parties are eager to express their concern on political ehics, however, some differences lie between the drafts by various parties: to what extent informaton about political activities is disclosed; whether a politician is punished when acting as a middleman or not; whether political contributions from companies and organizations are prohibited or not. Political ehics ofren becomes a subject of mass media and is concerned with people. Then what on earth is the "political ehics"? What do they expect of politics when people refer to it? According to some past opinion polls of the Asahi Shinbun and the Yomiuri Shinbun, people generally expect (1) politicians to be definitely "clean." (2) prime minister to be "resolute" rather than "clean" and (3) does not necessarily expect the government to think "political ethics" high priority. I think that the "political ethics" is (1) not to violate laws and criteria, (2) to protect morals and (3) to concentrate on their business as politicians. Besides, people are also responsible for the "political ehtics." There would be no democracy if they do neither join a party, make private political eontributons nor involve themselves voluntarily in politics.

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わが国の政治過程を考察するさいもっとも重要なのは、一九五五年社会党統一と保守合同により成立した保守-革新の政治枠組をもつ「五五年体制」の検討である。国民経済レベルでの高度成長とパラレルに、政治レベルでの自民党長期政権が続き、「経済大国日本」を実現させた。ところが、六〇年代後半、高度成長路線は大都市における過密と公害、生活問題を引き起こす。こうした都市問題に対しては、中央より地方での反応が鋭く、七三年には東海道メガロポリスに沿った主要都市に「革新」自治体が誕生した。「地方革新」が「中央保守」を包囲するという政治戦略とともに、対話による行政、市民参加といったその政治手法は選挙以外に政治参加の手段が存在することを現実に示した。
ところで、「革新」自治体の後退は七〇年代末期には始まり、横浜・沖縄・東京・京都・大阪と相次いでその拠点を失った。だが、地方「革新」の崩壊は「保守」の復権ではなかった。今や政治枠組としての有効性を失った保守-革新の図式にかわって「保革相乗り」で登場したのは、「脱イデオロギー」を標榜する自治省 (旧内務省) 出身の行政テクノクラートであった。こうしたタイプの首長を選択した住民の側にも「生活保守主義」という新しい動きがみられたのも、この時期からである、この層は、一般には浮動票層、支持政党なし層と呼ばれるが、彼らは政治的行為の有効性についてきわめて敏感で、どのチャンネルを使えば自己の利益がうまく実現できるかを常に考えるタイプの市民層といってよい。八七年四月、統一地方選挙のさいの「売上税反乱」はそうした一例にすぎない。
戦後長期にわたって政治の基礎的な枠組であった保守-革新の図式は、こんにち中央-地方の図式に編成替えされ、さらに四全総にみられるように、東京-非東京との対立、「地方」内部の矛盾がいっそう深化している。そういう意味で、現代は「巨大な過渡期」なのである。

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As the story of the Buddha’s “Great Renunciation” suggests, it is very difficult for urban people to face aging, sickness and death. Urban culture seeks to cover up and ignore these misfortunes and many modern people in the city live without religion. Yoshimoto Takaaki, who wrote The Last Shinran, was able to disengage himself from urban culture and face death as Shinran did. However he was unable to enter the gate of religion. For him religion is already established and negates his identity. Beyond religion, he longed for the foolishness of the Last Shinran. But to be foolish like Shinran, it is necessary to deconstruct the self. Shinran deconstructed not only the old religious systems but also experienced the deconstruction of his self. This deconstruction is conversion. Conversion does not mean to exchange one thought with a new one, but to be born as a new self through self-deconstruction. But one cannot deconstruct oneself. Only the Other Power can negate the self. Has not Yoshimoto experienced the deconstruction of his self when he disengaged himself from urban culture? Because he experienced the deconstruction of his self and became a fool, he could discover Shinran’s foolishness before the gate of the religion.

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The Japanese political system in its present form emerged in 1955 when the socialists and conservatives unified their respective camps in quick succession, forming a two-party system controlled by the conservatives. The socialists and other opposition parties, . however, have exerted unremitting and increasing pressure on the conservative party, Rapid economic and social developments have also brought considerable pressure to bear on the conservative party system, with industrialization and urbanization eroding the traditional conservative strongholds. These pressures have compelled the party to face the question of party organization reforms, particularly since 1960. The author discusses three issues raised by the reforms. First, he mentions the dissolution of intraparty factions during the Ikeda government; second, political fund raising organizations, with particular emphasis on the Economic Reconstruction Debate Association and the National Association; and third, the education of party officials and the local party agent system. The party's role in the process of policy-making is then analyzed with respect to the Party Policy Investigation Board, the revision of the Japan-U. S. Security Treaty in 1960, and the Ikeda cabinet's Income Doubling Plan and New Industrial Cities Plan.
1. The conservative party since 1955.
2. Problems of party organization-party and factions; political contributions and the business circles; party headquarters and chapters.
3. The conservative party and the policy-making process-the Party Policy Investigation Board and governmental bureaucracy; case studies of foreign and domestic policy formulation.

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