本稿の目的は、アッバース朝カリフ・マームーンの治世末期に起こった下エジプトのバシュムール地方の反乱に焦点を当てて、アッバース朝支配下のエジプトにおけるキリスト教徒社会の情況を検討し、エジプトにおけるイスラーム化の進行とキリスト教社会の衰退の歴史的展開について一考察を行うことにある。エジプトのキリスト教徒(コプト)社会に対するムスリム政権の統制が本格的に強化され始めたのはウマイヤ朝後半のことと考えられる。その後アッバース朝時代にかけて、政府の徴税強化と徴税官の圧迫に抵抗するコプト反乱が繰り返し記録に現れるようになる。その最後で最大の武力蜂起といわれるのがバシュムール反乱である。第1章では、バシュムール反乱に至るの軌跡を辿り、ムスリム支配の強化に伴うにおけるコプトとアラブ・ムスリムの関係を分析した。第2章ではバシュムール反乱の原因とその経緯、反乱後の状況を史料に基づいて再現し、第3章においてこの時代のコプト社会の状況に関して、コプト社会内部の情況に注目して考察を行った。結論として、この時代に表面化してくるコプト教会と一般信徒との間の軋轢や利害の不一致が、コプト社会の変化と衰退を考察するに際して非常に重要な要因となっていることを検証した。コプト社会の内部変化という観点から、バシュムール反乱はエジプトのイスラーム化において1つの重要な転機であったいうことができると考えられる。

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This article aims at' elucidating the landlord-tenant relationship in the nineteenth century through an analysis of rentals of a tsuhsien (租桟) in Su Chou. The author distinguishes three stages in the development of the landlord-tenant relationship : the pre-T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo period, the period of the occupation of T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo and the post T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo. The following are the distinct features of each period. (1)The pre-T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo period Before the coming of the army of T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo, there was in Su Chou a class of peasants called wan-tien (頑佃) who always refused to pay their rents. The occupation of Nan-ching (南京) by the army of T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo in 1853 made this refusal more widespread. The non-payment of rents had two distinctive features : (a)it was not caused by a natural calamity, but occasioned by social disturbances in the area ; (b)while refusing to pay their rents, peasants also demanded the reduction of rents. (2)The period of the occupation The landlord-tenant relationship of this period had three notable points, which were different from those of the preceding period : (a)landlords lost their grip of tenants and the latter became virtual owners of their own holdings ; (b)the system of "she-chu shou-tsu (設局収租)" was put into effect in order to secure the payment of farm taxes ; (c)the level of rent was much reduced. This reduction owes partly to the peasants' refusal of rent payments in the pre-T'ai-ping t'ien-kuo period, and it forced the local gentry to execute the reduction of rents. (3)The post T'ai-p'ing t'ien-kuo period In two years after the suppression of T'ai-p'ing tien-kuo, "tsu-chuan (租捐)" was brought in as a temporary measure by the coincidence of interests of the bureaucrats and the gentry. In 1865, the reduction of farm taxes was enacted and in the next year the level of rent was accordingly lowered. The Feng kuei-fen (馮桂芬) and the Su chou Fu-chih (蘇州府志) are inaccurate, but the Wu-chiang hsien hsu-chih (呉江県続志) etc. is correct in the description of the reduetion on this occasion. Peasants benefited most from this reduction, while under the early Ching dynasty landlords had taken more than half the benefit of tax reductions. From this fact, the author concludes that landlords yielded much to the peasantry. The latter, however, were not content with this reduction, because the rents were still far heavier than they were under the occupation of Tai-p'ing t'ien-kuo. The movement of rent stoppage, therefore, grew more violent than before.

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The Chiang-Nan districts have developed since Sung Period as the primary economic foundation in Chine, and their development has been main tained through the utilization of the special geographical features called yu-t'ien and wei-t'ien, etc. The irrigation work in the yu-t'ien regions may be classified into the three operations: (1) the repair of yu-an (2) the dredging of water courses (3) the drainage of yu-t'ien. It may also be added, after these considerations, that the three operations, different as they are from each otheir forms, have been carried on by the cooperation among the regions surrounded by many creeks. There exists in the irrigation work a strong joint labor organization on the basis of the regional union, and this very joint labor organization has constituted a very important factor in the uniting of the communities gathering round yu.

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In the early Islamic centuries, in which Muslim governments had continued to have territorial ambitions, we can see not only large quantitative Muslim migrations, but also any number of non-Muslim migrations. This article focalizes on Christian migrations between the seventh and the ninth centuries, because their movements seem to have had relation to change of populations in the Middle East. The more useful sources on this experiment are Middle Eastern Christian documents which give us precious informations neglected by Muslim authors.
Part (1) is composed of a list of records on Christian migrations which have connected with policies and military or administrative purposes of Muslim authorities. All the records are typical in their forms and features.
Then, part (2) examines each form of migrations; captured inhabitants on battles and so on; forced emigrants; forced immigrants; peoples allowed to emigrate; peoples allowed to return to their countries, especially by exchange of captives; people forced to return their countries. And I discussed their features, purposes, and historical backgrounds.
In part (3), I will discuss Christian migrations unrelated to Muslim intentions to compare with the cases in part (1). And part (4) concludes with a analysis of the relations between Muslim rule and Christian migrations, and the influences of these migrations to the Middle Eastern societies.

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Due to the mid-sixteenth century "Single Whip Tax" reform one of the labor service duties called the Miscellaneous Labor Tax (雑役) was transformed into a tax paid for with silver. In three Nan-chih-li prefectures -Soochou, Sungchiang, and Ch'angchou...and two Chekiang prefectures -Huchou and Chiahsing the Miscellaneous Labor Tax duties related to grain transport and storage, however, remained unchanged as actual labor service duties. It is wrong to view these labor posts (the 解戸 and 斗級) as existing independently as labor taxes, for they were, included among the labor services of the village chief (里長) and grain chief (糧長). Thus, the reform of these particular miscellaneous labor tax duties became a problem that was dealt with by the "equal fields equal labor sevices measure". At its Inception this measure was called either the equal fields (均田) or the equal chia (均甲) proposal in Chekiang and the limited fields proposal (限田議) in Nan-chih-li. This measure aimed at equalizing each village's and chia's capability of bearing the labor tax by forming villages and chia according to an equal land quota. To achieve this the government had to restrict the gentry's labor service exemption privilege (優免) by strictly treating all gentry owned land beyond the set exemption quota as labor taxable land -just as if a commoner owned it. In actual fact, the gentry proved unwilling to bear this tax, and so the problem remained unsolved. Instead, it turned out necessary to carry out other reforms : (1) labor taxes were to be assessed according to land ownership and paid for in silver ; (2) in assessing the labor service tax the government was to accord a rank to each household, including urban resident households and gentry households, whereby its labor tax burden would be set ; (3) the formation of tax-bearing and labor service groups (called 官図 and 官甲) exclusively for the gentry ; (4) transport is to be carried out by the government ; (5) a labor tax was to be borne by urban residents ; (6) taxpayers were to pay in their taxes directly without the intermediary services of tax farmers.

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