In the Edo era all of the carpenter parties in six countries-Settu, Izumi, Kawachi, Yamato, Yamashiro, and Omi-were governed by Nakai Family. The party in each country, however, had no similar constitutional form in itself in those days. For example, the number of the parties in Kawachi, as compared with the parties in the other five countries, was fewer, while the number of the carpenters was larger there. Early in the Edo period there were four different parties in Kawachi-Sakuzaemon-gumi (Ishikawa-gumi=Shindo party), Jirouemon-gumi (Kashiwada party), Sozaemon-gumi (Kadoma-gumi=Furuhashi party), and San'uemon-gumi (Kyokoji-gumi). Kyokoji-gumi, one of the four, was disunited into three separate parties-Taiheji-gumi, Nukata-gumi, and Toyura-gumi about the middle of the Edo period. In spite of the fact that the number of the carpentes increased, the remaining three parties (Kashiwada-gumi, Shindo-gumi, Furuhashi-gumi) did not break up to form new groups. Shozaemon Hirata and Jirouemon Miyajima, chief carpenters of Furuhashi and Kashida party, secured hereditary rights to succeed as head of the parties and maintained the positions until late Edo era. After passing through such development they divided themselves but into six parties in Kawachi in the late Edo era. Thus, the carpenter parties in the Kawachi country at that time practically showed the variety of it's situation with respect to the number of the carpenter party, the form of the party constitution, and the method of the management by co-existing the three large groups and the three small groups respectively.

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車両運転にさいする生理反応パターンの調査例をまとめて考察した. 運転の緊張は, 心的スペア能力の低下や自律系反応で表示されるが, 皮質機能変動には, 2つのパターンを類別できる. 自動車・電車運転では, フリッカー値の初期高進とそれにつづく漸次低下の傾向がみとめられ (C型), 機関車運転や単調な状況での運転では, 初期高進がみとめられず, 運転の初期から皮質機能が一様に漸次低下する経過をとる (L型). 長時間運転では, どちらの場合も顕著な大脳機能低下にいたり, 注意低下期を誘発して運転事故につながると考えられる. この反応パターンは, 運転「状況」によって左右されるから, 運転の拘束性・単調性を除いて事故防止をはかることが重要である.

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This paper considers the characteristics of the Koga Gunchuso (甲賀「郡中惣」) by studying the movements of the Yamanaka (山中) clans during the Sengoku period. This movement has been regarded by scholars as a process of localization. The Yamanaka, however, were gradually deepening their relations with the Hosokawa (細川) clan since Hosokawa Sumimoto (細川澄元) relied on their support in l507 (Eisho 永正 4). Consequently the Yamanaka clan became the vassals (Uchishu 内衆) of Hosokawa Harumoto (細川晴元) during the Tenbun (天文) era (1532-55) and was appointed as adjutant to the chief constable (Shugodai 守護代) of Kake-gun (闕郡) in Settu (摂津) province. From the Nanboku-cho period, when clan leadership rights (Soryo-shiki 惣領職) were divided in two, up until the Sengoku period, there existed within the Yamanaka clan a condition known as Ryosoryo (両惣領 two clan heads). From the beginning this pair of Soryos (惣領) had been house vassals (Gokenin 御家人) of the Muromachi-bakufu (室町幕府). The Yamanaka's advance into Kake-gun was made by this pair of Soryos, not by any alliance organizations as the "Domyochu" (同名中) or the "Sanpochu" (三方中). In other words, only the Yamanaka clan advanced into Kake-gun, and concerning its rule over the area, the authority of the two Soryos was clearly delineated from that of common clan members (Shoshi 庶子). The "Domyochu" was not organized until after 1549 (Tenbun 18) when Hosokawa Harumoto was driven away by Miyoshi Chokei (三好長慶) and the Yamanaka clan lost Kake-gun. The "Domyochu" was not an organization in which the Soryo and Shoshi were tied together in relationships of equality. Rather it was an organization in which Shoshi were gathered under the Soryo and while it did restrain the power of the Soryo and it was included in their authority as clan heads. The "Sanpochu" was organized in accordance with a plan for forming a strong bond between the Soryos of the Yamanaka, Ban (伴), and Minobe (美濃部) clans in order to cope with the critical condition of the time. However there are no source materials showing other cases in which the members of Gunchuso gathered and organized a group containing the concept of "Kata" (方), like in the "Sanpochu". Therefore the "Sanpochu" can be considered to be an exception and to be equivalent to the "Domyochu" of other clans. The "law" established by the mutual consent of the "Domyochu" and "Sanpochu" should be considered to be a temporary law formed in crisis rather than a condification of the long-standing regional customs. Accordingly this "law" should be considered to be an expression of the dangers inherent in the local lord's domination. The "Gunchuso" was an alliance group formed by the Soryos of each member clan which took part in the "Domyochu", and was an organization of the lord class to facilitate the collection of the original rice tax (honnengu 本年貢). Seven out of the twelve identified members of the "Gunchuso" besides the Yamanaka are recorded clearly in historical materials. According to these materials, they were vassals (either Hokoshu ((奉公衆)) or Gokenin) of the Muromachi-bakufu. "Gunchuso" was a combination of these present or former Bakufu vassals not including the followers of the Rokkaku (六角) clan. "Gunchuso" was organized at about the beginning of the Eiroku (永禄) era (1558-70) to be the fighting force against the Miyoshi (三好). At first it was not called "Gunchu" (郡中). Only after Eiroku 11, when the Rokkaku was driven away from Kannonji (観音寺) Castle, did it come to be called "Gunchu". In those days the Rokkaku could not rule Koga-gun any longer without the help of "Gunchuso". In other words, "Gunchuso" neither excluded the power of Shugo (守護) nor established its own administrative power. Under the domination

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　浄厳述『臨終大事影説』は、浄厳（一六三九～一七〇二）が霊雲寺における口述を観輪という僧侶が聞き書きしたものであり、江戸時代の真言宗の臨終行儀について詳細に説かれている文献である。

現在、確認できる写本は、京都大学の図書館に所蔵されている『臨終大事影説』と、智積院に所蔵されている『臨終大事私記』との二本の存在が確認されている。本論では京都大学蔵本の『臨終大事影説』を底本として扱い、智積院所蔵の『臨終大事私記』と校訂していき、翻刻をしていく。そして、『臨終大事影説』に説かれている内容を確認していきながら、他の真言宗諸師における臨終行儀と比較して、『臨終大事影説』の特徴を見出すことが本論の目的である。

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　本稿では，従来対象とされなかった原初的寺内町の特質を明らかにすることを目的とする。『天文日記』から石山本願寺を中心とするネットワークを形成していた有力寺院・門徒の地域を抽出し，現地調査を行ない収集した基礎史料に基づいて，それぞれの地域の中世末から近世にかけての成立と変遷の過程と町割形態に関する考察を行なった。本願寺の支配体制のもとで個々に発展した地域を広く全体的に対象とすることで，相互の比較，都市的「寺内町」との比較を通して集落・都市としての発展段階の位置づけを行なった。いずれの地域も本願寺の「頭」役を務めるなど経済的に本願寺を支え，経済基盤が確立しており，中世末には近世的な町場に先行するなんらかの集落が形成されていたと見られる。しかし，その後の展開においては，必ずしもすべての集落が代表的寺内町に見られるような整形の町割で背割りの街区を形成する計画性に結びつくわけではない。近年の寺内町研究では整形街区を形成する町形態は中世寺内町ではなく，むしろ近世に確立されたという見方が提唱されており，本稿においても同様に考えられる。計画性の差異が生じる理由のひとつとしては更地から開発された寺内町ではなく，先行する既存の集落・寺地が存在しているため制約があることが考えられる。また，近世期に寺基が移転してきた地域（大井・光蓮寺）に「寺内」としての計画性がうかがえることも近世的都市計画手法の存在を示唆している。天文期の有力門徒地域と近世的発展をした寺内町は必ずしも合致せず，中世末の段階から近世に確立された計画性のある都市へと移行する段階で，町形成に対しなんらかの都市化の意図が働くことが想定され，地域の差異が発生するのではないかと思われる。都市化の意図が働かなかった地域は，中世の基盤をもとに近世においてそれぞれの地域の特質－地形・舟運・街道など－に影響されながら展開するといえよう。

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