The concept “multicultural co-existence” in Japan is widely criticized, because it is basically based on the unilateral desire of majorities to act “tolerantly”, hiding the underlying social structure of inequality and discrimination. Those critiques are understandable. This paper, however, argues that the important implication of the concept “co-existence” lies in the possibility that it enables us to transfer our standing positon from minority (those to be discriminated) to majority (those open to discriminate someone), considering the contentious debate among Japanese influential intellectuals on the concept “co-existence” and the theoretical attainment in the realm of intercultural education studies in Japan. In other words, the concept provides the basis to the educational philosophy that aims as the “pedagogy of the oppressors”.

From this viewpoint, the author focused on the “positionality declaration practice” originated in the early 1970s, when the movement for human rights education was raised and recognized, the declaration practice as the foundational layer of “co-existence” education in Japan. In the declaration practice, students from Buraku communities were motivated to share their Buraku origins and Koreans-in-Japan students were encouraged to introduce themselves using their Korean name. It is well known that those practices were severely criticized in that minority students usually came to have frustration due to their “coming out” and severely questioned for whom and for what they engaged in that process. However, it is necessary to appreciate the declaration practice because it can forcefully locate majorities in the situation where they need the “act of co-existence” to survive.

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The current research examined the moderating role of beliefs in group interdependence on effects of negative meta-stereotypes. The effects of meta-stereotypes among Japanese participants were explored by examining responses toward a fictitious Korean defendant (Study 1), or a real political agenda between Korea and Japan (Study 2), after being exposed to negative views that Koreans might have of Japanese. In addition, the extent to which participants believed in group interdependence between the nations was measured. The results of the two experiments revealed that effects of negative meta-stereotypes were moderated by beliefs in group interdependence. The individuals with higher beliefs in group interdependence responded more favorably toward the outgroup when faced with negative meta-stereotypes, perhaps in an attempt to disconfirm the negative meta-stereotypes. On the other hand, the individuals with lower beliefs in group interdependence reciprocated with unfavorable responses when faced with negative meta-stereotypes.

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In 2017 and 2019, two surveys were conducted to clarify the changes and characteristics of target groups of exclusionism among the Japanese people. A survey to compare between the Chinese, South Koreans, North Koreans, and Taiwanese as the target groups, was added in 2020. In Survey 1 (2017) and Survey 2 (2019), participants who were 20 to 69 years old were asked to recall a group that they feel most dislike. Approximately 70％ of the participants in both surveys were able to describe a certain dislike group. In Survey 1, the types of target groups were the members of Japanese new religions, nationals of three neighboring countries (China, South Korea, and North Korea), and the members of Islamic State, in descending order. In Survey 2, the frequencies of the nationals of three Asian countries increased, due to an increase in the numbers of responses choosing South Korea. Consequently, the order of first to third place was switched to three neighboring countries, Japanese new religions, and political parties. There were some gender differences among the participants with their choices of target groups, but no significant differences by age groups were indicated. Negative and positive emotions toward the countries and the tendency to exclude them were significantly reduced between Survey 1 and 2. In Survey 3 (2020), North Korea, China, South Korea, and Taiwan were evaluated negatively in this order, but there were no significant differences in exclusionary thinking and behaviors among the countries. Based on these outcomes, the characteristics of exclusionism among the Japanese in the survey period were discussed.

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During the 2000s, grass-root xenophobic movements have developed in East Asian countries. In Japan, many groups calling themselves “Conservatives In Action” and within them, the core group called “Zaitokukai” have been criticized by many people for their use of hate speech. Counter-protesters have fought them not only on the street but also on the internet.
The radicalization of mass media discourse has been identified by critics. For example, “Book Lovers Against Racism” (BLAR) condemns publications containing xenophobic figures as “hate books.” Influenced by those books, Conservatives In Action and Zaitokukai have developed their own mass media organization and discourse.
Although people criticize the current trend of books that contain bitter criticisms of China, South Korea, and North Korea as “hate books,” such labeling tends to obfuscate the differences between Old and New Conservative media. In fact, while New Conservative media uses hate speech as an “effective measure,” many Old Conservative media sources criticize the practice.
This paper explores the magazine Japanism as an example of New Conservative media speech. Seirindo, the publisher of Japanism, has published books by former Zaitokukai leader Makoto Sakurai. His books were meant to encourage the Conservatives In Action and Zaitokukai.
This paper also compares the perspectives of Old Conservative media, using the example of Seiron, with those of New Conservative media, using the example of Japanism, to explore the respective views of Old and New Conservative media on China, South Korea, and North Korea.
Some critics believe views expressed by Old and New conservative media exist in different methodologies but are based on the same idea. This paper reveals that their differences exist not only in their methodologies but also in their ideas. Specifically, while their perspectives on China are similar, their perspectives on South Korea and North Korea are quite different. Before the main analysis, this paper follows the long-term change of the social movement led by Zaitokukai to focus on the initial split of the two conservative groups. After that, several specific differences between Old and New Conservative media are discussed.

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This article tries to outline the positioning of emotions in sociological action theories, and further explore possible development of explanation of social phenomena incorporating psychological generation mechanism of emotions, with relative deprivation theory as an example. In sociology, emotions, in particular negative emotions which would lead to social change, cannot be ignored as “live coals” which affects actor’s action tendency and prepares potential actions. As shown in the application of the Yitzhaki (1979) theory, micro-macro-theoretic models explaining macro state change via micro psychological generating mechanisms of emotions has great potential in predicting the dynamics of social change.

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