Along the coasts of Chûgoku and Shikoku districts, there are numerous cities with different historical backgrounds offering good examples for the analysis of the types of coastal cities. The writer selected 21 cities in these districts, and induced the regional types of their developments according to the periods in which the cities were founded, and to their relation with such factors as the construction of castles, the development of ports and railway stations. They are summarized as follows.
1) The coastal cities in Southern Shikoku are backward in development.
2) In Sanyô district, in accordance with the development of deltas, cities extended toward the coast after the construction of castles in feudal days.
3) In Northern Shikoku, the castles are generally located on the coast, and the cities developped inland from the coast.
4) The difference in the development of cities between Sanyô district and Northern Shikoku are because in the former area the deltas are generally big and rapid in growth, while in the latter they are small and slow in growth.

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    本報告はコロナ禍を経た道後温泉の持続可能な観光まちづくりの概要と推進体制，具体的な取り組みについて紹介することを目的とする．道後温泉の宿泊客は近年，個人化の進展と若年層・女性客・ビジネス客・教育旅行が増加している．1992年に道後温泉誇れるまちづくり推進協議会を設立し，道後温泉の根本的課題解決に向けて，産地官学金という地域・関係者一体となった観光資源・滞在環境の改善，景観計画の導入，第3の外湯建築である飛鳥乃湯泉の設置，現代アートとの連携等を通じてまちづくりを推進してきた．今後は100年先を見越して来訪者を創造する新しい観光まちづくりを進めていく必要がある．

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近世初頭に建設された城下町の多くは現在も都市として生き続けているため、その成立の経緯・時期は都市計画史などの上で重要である。前回の論文で、中部、大類・鳥羽、玉置による城と城下町の建設史年表を基礎にして作成された小川の一覧表について、作成に当たっての問題点を提起するとともに、8ケース・スタディを行い、正しい表現のあり方について検討した結果、さらに数多くのケース・スタディを積み重ねることが必要とされた。このため今回の論文においては、以上の課題を明確にするため、前回に引き続き、年表作成上、問題点の見出だせる幾つかの城と城下町のうち、岩出山・丸亀・宇和島・高崎・仙台・福岡・松山・秋田・大垣・彦根・萩・浜田の各城についてケース・スタディを行い、それぞれ個別に検討することにより、個別に存在する問題点を摘出した。こういった検討を積み重ねることにより、全体の内容について、正しい表現のあり方を考究するとともに、城郭史年表に関して試論的な検討を行うことによって、土木史年表の作成に当たって検討すべき課題を考究することを目指した。(城、城下町、年表)

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二本研究は城と城下町の建設から形成過程において、水辺空間、特に河川との関わり合いを城の立地選定から水害の歴史やその対策の点から研究し、時代の経過とともに変化していく様子を取り扱った。中世後半から近世初頭にかけて治水事業に対する土木技術が発展したことを背景とし、城と水辺空間との関わり合いに関する事例をあげ、河川の近くに立地した結果、時として洪水による氾濫や侵食によって、多大な害を蒙ることとなった課題に対して、どのように解決してきたのかを、複数の城と城下町において研究し、時代背景や地域性などをふまえて検証した。

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This article attempts a textual criticism of the Chosokabe Motochika Shikimoku (hereafter Keicho Shikimoku) purported to have been promulgated in Tosa Province during the Toyotomi Hideyoshi regime in the second year of Keicho (1597). The article begins with a comparison between Chosokabe family institutions and the content of the Keicho Shikimoku, by focusing on a set of provincial-wide bylaws (Chosokabe-shi Okitegaki) promulgated during that same time. The comparison reveals marked differences between the two documents in both wording and institutional arrangements. The author concludes that the content of the Keicho Shikimoku conflicts with Chosokabe family custom in many ways. Next, a comparison is made between the Keicho Shikimoku and the legal codes promulgated by the Yamauchi family for it Tosa Han fief during the Tokugawa Period, revealing similarities between the two documents in both content and form. The author concludes that the so-called "Keicho Shikimoku" was not a legal code of the Chosokabes, but must have been compiled after the formation of Tosa Han sometime during the 17^<th> century or after. In order to pinpoint the date of compilation, the author compares the Keicho Shikimoku with revisions made in the Tosa Han legal codes between Kan'ei 18 (1641) and Genroku 3 (1690), and discovers that the greatest similarity occurs with respect to the revisions made in Kanbun 3 (1663). Moreover, the fact that the Keicho Shikimoku prohibition on samurai attending dance performances and sumo wrestling tournaments reflects the actual situation during the several years following Kanbun 3 also suggests that the 1663 legal code for Tosa Han was its source. As to the reason why the Keicho Shikimoku was written, the author argues that it was an attempt by local samurai facing extinction in the midst of the political upheaval that occurred in Tosa during Kanbun 3 to reinforce their legitimacy by emphasizing historical ties to the Chosokabe family. The author concludes that the Keicho Shikimoku was a fictitious legal code modeled after legal codes in force in Tosa Han during the late 17^<th> century and shows that the Chosokabe family did not use the phrase "ichiryo gusoku" 一領具足 (allowing cultivators to arm themselves; later how local samurai-cultivators referred to themselves) in any of the legal codes it promulgated or any official document it issued, indicating that ichiryo gusoku was merely a popular phrase, not an official legal institution.

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This paper is one of works in which I intend to clarify the town planning methods of Japanese castle towns. In this paper I study on the process of constructing covered water works in castle towns. The summary is as follows : The water works in castle towns were recognized as an important town facilities. The water works with covered ducts began to be constructed from about sixteen twenties after open water works were developed, and served mainly from the mid of seventeeth century. The adopting of water works with covered duct is considered to be caused by the change in quality of castle towns from being military points at its first stage to becoming cities where many people gathered to live in the mid of seventeenth century.

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Since the 1970's the concept of bui (武威 martial splendor/military might) has been discussed as one of the characteristics of Japan's foreign relations during the early modern period. In this essay, the author makes use of the results of this discussion and concentrates on the period between Kan'ei 15 (寛永 1638) and Manji 1 (万治 1658), or the latter part of the reign of Tokugawa Iemitsu and the first years of the reign of his son Tokugawa Ietsuna. He looks at Bakufu policy on foreign shipping, what this policy was meant to achieve, how it was structured, how the different domains (han 藩) charged with the surveillance of the coast of Japan put this policy into practice, and how this was done in Nagasaki under the direct supervision of the Bakufu. The results of his analysis are the following. Although the Bakufu during the latter part of Iemitsu's reign made sure everyone, both inside and outside Japan, know its uncompromising stance on Portuguese shipping to Japan, it left its final decision open on whether or not to allow foreign ships to come to Japan until such ships actually arrived. On the other hand, the domains along the coastline of japan competed with each other in setting up an early warning system able to spot foreign shipping as soon as it approached Japan. Against this background, the Bakufu was required to make a decision on each individual case of foreign ships coming to Japan or planning to come to Japan, and so resolve the different problems arising from the arrival of Dutch and other ships. Because the shogun was too young to make his own decisions during the first years of Iemitsu's reign, there was nothing that the Bakufu officials could do but continue the policy put in place during Iemitsu's reign. In this way, Japan's foreign policy lost its fluidity, and it gradually became clear that the matter had been settled. The issues to be settled in the Bakufu's policy on foreign shipping were 1) the management and control of Dutch trading factory ; 2) the manner in which negotiations with foreign ships were to be conducted at Nagasaki ; 3) hostilities between Portuguese ships and coast guards looking out for missionaries coming ashore ; and 4) the arrest of those missionaries who tried to come ashore surreptitiously. In response to these issues the structure of the Bakufu had to be changed, and from Kan'ei 18 (1641) onwards, the ometsuke (大目付) Inoue Masashige was given the post of Nagasaki Shioki (長崎仕置 discipinarian). During the first years of Iemitsu's reign Inoue's position as Nagasaki Shioki became less important within the structure of the Bakufu, and it was the Nagasaki-bugyo (長崎奉行) and the roju (老中) who became the prominent links in the chain of command.

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