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  • ―通常兵器規制を素材として―
    佐渡 紀子
    国際安全保障
    2008年 35 巻 4 号 35-50
    発行日: 2008/03/31
    公開日: 2022/04/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「民主化」と国際政治・経済
    湯浅 剛
    国際政治
    2000年 2000 巻 125 号 96-114,L14
    発行日: 2000/10/13
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    There are two channels for Western countries to participate in the regimet-ransition movements in the former Soviet Union States (FSUS): Interstate bilateral relationships on the one hand and international organizations for transition support like OSCE/CSCE (Organization/Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe), IMF and EBRD (European Bank for Reconstruction and Development) on the other. These Transition-Support Organizations (TSO), which include FSUS as member states, had a common purpose during the 1990's: How to stabilize the transition to the new politico-economic regime (democracy and market economy). These norms, with the background of the Western ideas, are important even for the FSUS to establish the legitimacy of their rule.
    TSO in this article, especially OSCE, can be defined as organizations that mainly use soft powers in contrast with a hard-power organization like NATO. Although they cannot operate with hard power or resources which can have immediate and forcible effects, TSO try to infuse values and institutions of democracy and the market economy through soft-power methods such as monitoring elections, dispatching long-term missions for peace-keeping, advising and financing for institutional reforms.
    This article focuses on the following three points to examine the relationship between FSUS and TSO.
    First, the article explains what Western norms like democracy have for the maintenance of politico-economic order in FSUS. TSO attempt to introduce and stabilize democracy and the market economy, and present the support programs for FSUS in accordance with these norms, while FSUS also define themselves as democratic countries. This article points out the “dogmatization” of democracy in FSUS. The concepts like democracy and the market economy are utilized politically in FSUS although they have estranged from the reality just as the concept of communism did during the Soviet era. On the other hand, FSUS also accepted the Western concepts because they are afraid of being marginalized in the international community.
    This article also examines one concrete problem: How TSO have contributed to the maintenance of order in FSUS during the 1990's. At the beginning of the decade, economic TSO like IMF believed that FSUS would be able to shift their regimes smoothly if only TSO introduced some monetarist programs. However, the monetarist view can find few friends today in FSUS. TSO's task for the future in the region is to find an alternative policy that can take the place of the monetarism.
    Third, this article examines how the principle of noninterference in domestic affairs is treated by TSO. As OSCE members declared at the Budapest Summit in 1994, the member states including FSUS welcome the OSCE missions to promote democracy. However, if OSCE or other TSO try to strengthen their current level of involvement, FSUS may demand a redefinition of the principle. In this sense, TSO is always in the process of transforming their structure and their roles.
  • 清水 学
    中東レビュー
    2019年 6 巻 99-119
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2019/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー HTML

    Azerbaijan, a land locked country in South Caucasia, gained independence in 1991 after the break-up of the USSR. It is surrounded by Russia, Iran, Armenia, Georgia, and Turkey and is compelled to depend on a balancing act in its diplomacy to protect its sovereignty and survive. In April 2018, it reiterated its intention to host the 2019 Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in Baku and take on the position of chairmanship of NAM for a 3-year term. It is to be noted that Azerbaijan took this decision at a time of heightened tensions in the region when the US unilaterally withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, popularly known as the Iran nuclear deal. Azerbaijan has a border with northwestern Iran and has had a complicated relationship with it based on historical, ethnic, and religious ties. At the same time, Azerbaijan is the major supplier of oil to Israel, which is increasingly antagonistic to Iran. For the last decade, Israel and Iran have tried to gain Azerbaijan’s favor by offering arms or adjusting their diplomatic stance to take into account the geopolitical importance of Azerbaijan. Iran switched from its tacit support to Armenia on the Nagorno Karabakh conflict to a more sympathetic understanding of Azerbaijan’s position.

    The Nagorno Karabakh issue has been the focal point of security and sovereignty for Azerbaijan, which claims that Nagorno Karabakh and its neighboring areas have been occupied illegally by Armenia. Since the latter half of 2018, Israel has raised the level of military cooperation with Azerbaijan by supplying more advanced arms, such as drones, while Iran strengthened its military links with Azerbaijan by enhancing its military contacts and cooperation. For Azerbaijan, the simultaneous deepening of military cooperation with the two influential and mutually antagonistic regional powers—Israel and Iran—is not inconsistent because it seeks to upgrade its own military capacity.

    The NAM has not been given serious attention in the world politics since the end of the cold war. At the same time, the objective reality that the number of member states has increased cannot be denied. The purpose and definition of the NAM is still vague and allows member states to arrive at different versions of its objectives. The mediating capacity of the NAM to solve conflicts among the member states is, at best, marginal. However, the NAM is a forum where the participants—most of whom experienced colonial rule—can express strong or mild dissatisfaction with the present world regime, dominated by the West. In this sense, the role of NAM could be still flexible and effective under certain conditions in the fluid world political system. Azerbaijan utilizes the NAM to achieve a balance in its diplomatic relations in the present turbulent situation and strengthen its political position on the Nagorno Karabakh issue.

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