北宋禁軍が募兵制によったことは周知である。しかし,募兵制の根幹に関わる,軍隊社会を巡る人の流れさえ,なお漠然としている。加えて,宋が軍事大国であったとの認識も乏しい。これまで,「兵士はどこから来るか」についてはある程度考察されてきたが,「兵士はどこへ行くのか」については,剩員・帶甲剩員制,漏澤園を論じた拙論があるにすぎない。また,軍隊の社会的性格も充分に考察されてこなかった。本稿では,旧稿の考察を踏まえ,募兵制を構成する諸制度のうち,陣亡(戦死)をはじめとする死亡,及び負傷・疾病の際の保障など,禁軍兵士の行く末に関わる部分,すなわち禁軍社会の出口部分を考察した。全てではないが,北宋禁軍は,陣亡の際の子弟の採用・遺体の収容・埋葬・慰霊・年金支給以下,負傷者・病死者・疾病者などに各種の手厚い保障があり,「兵士」が生涯を支えうる職業たるべき待遇が墓場に至るまで整えられ,上位の禁軍については終身雇用もなし得る制度を整えていたのである。たとえそれが仮構であったとしても,傭兵の域を越えた近代的常備軍を一部で実現・維持していたと言える。

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The Taiko-Bitsuryo (_??__??__??__??_) of Japan is generally held to be an imitation of the Lü-ling (_??__??_) of T'ang (_??_), but the Ko (_??_) and the Shih (_??_) of T'ang also were consulted in making it. This essay makes it clear that the Gumboryo (_??__??__??_) of Japan was modelled after a certain passage on rocket in the Ping-pu-shih (_??__??__??_) of the Kai-yüan (_??__??_) period of T'ang quoted in the Wu-chin.y-tsung-yao (_??__??__??__??_) which is included in the Ssu-k'u-ch'üan-shun-chen pen (_??__??__??__??__??__??_), studies the difference between the rocket systems of the two countries, and considers the reason why that difference had come into existence.

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In this paper, SHINANSHIN which is a initialform of the magnetic compass is reported. SHINANSHIN is the south seeking needle. First this magnetic needle was made by natural magnet. Afterwards, used magnetic needle changed to the magnet which was artifical from natural magnet. These processes are described from the discovery that has the property in which the magnet points to the south. And, the process of the chnge of the south seeking needle to the magnetic compass is also described.

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本論は我が国において発達した桶・樽の造形文化を追究する第3報で, 14世紀前半という桶文化の草創期における造形的特徴を絵画資料を通して抽出することを目的とする。考察する対象は『遊行上人縁起絵』の系統本である『真光寺本』『金光寺本』『東京国立博物館本』『藤沢道場古縁起模本』の同一場面に限定し, 桶の形態, 構造, 使用方法を比較した。この結果をさらにヨーロッパ, 中国の事例と比較し, 次のことが明らかになった。(1)現在使用される4斗樽以上の容量を持つ大型の桶が既に出現している。(2)桶の形状, 箍, 運搬方法にはヨーロッパと共通する部分もあり, 中国大陸を通して我が国に伝えられた可能性が高い。(3)中国大陸の中南域で発達した桶文化が深く関与し, 今日見られないタイプの桶も当時は使用されていた。

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The purpose of this study is to clarify the war situation in the "Battle of the River Ulz (Ulja)" fought in 1196 between the Jin dynasty and the Tatars (Zubu). This battle is also famous for the fact that the young Chinggis khan participated in it on the Jin side. By contributing to the Jin victory, Chinggis khan obtained the backing of the Jin and grew powerful. The main documentation for the study is the Serven khaalga inscription discovered by the authors in Bayankhutag District, Khentii Province, Mongolia. It consists of two inscriptions, one in Chinese and one in Jurchen, and the major portion of both notes the names of the places which the Jin army passed through during the Battle of the River Ulz. By carrying out a multilateral examination of these place names, from a historical, geographical and archaeological perspective, the authors managed to show clearly the route of the Jin army on a map. They were also able to shed light upon the historical and geographical situation in the eastern part of the Mongol plain at that time. The results of the study should greatly contribute to our understanding of the Jin dynasty's control of the Mongol plain and the prehistory of the rise of the Mongol Empire.

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京都大学イラン・アフガニスタン・パキスタン学術調査隊が,アフガニスタン北部カタガン州タシュクルガンのシュールテペで採集した13～14世紀頃の手榴弾と称せられる素焼の破片について考古化学的研究を行なった。黒色火薬を戦争に用いたことは文献上明らかであるが,その実物は推定されるにとどまっている。今回はカリウムについて化学的な立場から裏づけを試みた。1961年に得た試料1は高さ10cmくらいの紡錘型の素焼の壷で口の内外,素地などについて発光分光分析による定性を行なったが,積極的な証明は得られなかった。1963年にふたたび試料IIを得たので定性分析を行なった結果,いずれの部分にもカリウムの存在が認められた。そこでテトラフェニルホウ酸ナトリウムにより重量分析を行なった。試料を細粉とし,Lawrence Smith法により溶融後,熱純水で処理しテトラフェニルホウ酸ナトリウム溶液で沈殿を析出させ,乾燥後秤量した。その結果酸化カリウムとして内壁の付着土に3.10%,外壁の付着土3.27%,採集地点の土2.84%,他の採集品に付着した土2.57%で破片の付着土にもっとも高い値を示している。素焼本体は2.87%で埋没中に素焼からのカリウムの溶出とは考えられない。この破片にはカリウム含有量の大きいものが入っていた結果と思われる。このことは試料が手榴弾の破片であることを示唆するものと考えられる。

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Prior to the times of Jiajing (A.D.1521-1566), Japanese swords were often imported into China as tributes, trading goods and complimentary gifts, but there was no record that Chinese troops or civilians had learned and widely used Japanese swordplay, except for the imperial guards. Since the year of Jiajing 31 (A.D.1552), the massive Japanese invasion of the southeast coast of China made Chinese people notice the advantage of Japanese swordplay. Meanwhile Chinese army and civilians who loved Chinese wushu needed better sword skills,therefore Japanese swordplay became rapidly known and absorbed by them and spread among the folk people. At that time some members of the Chinese army were equipped with Japanese long swords; the warriors used cane shields, and the archers and the cavalry were equipped with Japanese waist broadswords. Training involved the repetition of solo patterns or routines first, followed by matches with other people. Some civilians who learned Japanese swordplay exercised mainly the routines, others mainly practiced a single pose or stance. The kind of Japanese swordplay that spread among civilians could be divided into two types: in one, people were trained by original Japanese swordplay; in the other one, people practiced Japanese swordplay with Chinese swordsmanship together, integrating Chinese swordplay and Japanese swordplay into a new kind of swordplay. In both cases, the practice of Japanese swordplay introduced into China was characterized by the use of patterns or routines.But the routines used by the Chinese army and the folk people were greatly different. In the army, the routine was laid out from the perspective of group training, so it was brief and simple; while the folk routine was laid out from an individual point of view, so it was long and complicated.

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Here the author treats two Iranian horse furnitures: I—Decorated lady's saddle and II—Horse blanket of the Kashgai nomads. Both of these are by no means antiques, nor objets d'art, but are valuable because of their rarity among Japanese collections.
I—The saddle is reinforced with white fringes of bones and covered with leather of black and green in colour. The green leather is dotted with gilt rivets in the shape of flower and all of them display an exquisite colour effect, common to European saddlery of Mediaeval Age, which must have been greatly influenced by the former during the Crusades.
The style of this saddle may be classified as half-West and half-East, with its seat-bars of wood on both sides in the style of rucksaddle. Defect of any device for hanging stirrups denotes its lady's use for side-riding, perhaps on ponnies or donkeys.
II—The horse blanket, or numdah, belongs to the same category with those depicted on the horse-shaped painted potteries, called ‘rhyton’ by Ghirshman, in Archaeological Museum of Teheran: one from Azerbaijan, another from Susa. The tamga on the horse's neck in the form of ‘trident’, or ‘fleur de lis’, is a fecundity symbol, as Dr. Ph. Ackermann explains it ‘labia and clitoris’.
The horse-blanket is not for the use of riding, as is shown on the Assyrian walls. Originally it is for keeping warmth, but eventually it turned into ornamental and ritual use, as is seen on the clay potteries cited above.
Lions and holly trees found among the bordering patterns are of Oriental origin. But they display striking resemblance to those found among the Pazylk and Noin Ula carpets respectively.
Especially interesting is the form of those lion patterns with remarkable long necks, which reminds us of the lion on the Scythian pole-top in Hermitage, 4th century, B. C. Those facts may denote that the present example belongs to the great tradition of the steppe nomads, rather to that of Ancient Orient.

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The purpose of this study is to clarify the process of acceptance regarding the characteristics of Japanese swords in Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu “紀效新書”. Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu is a Chinese book on martial arts that was written in the 16th century. There were two editions of this book, one was published around 1560-1566 (the earlier edition), and the other was published in 1584 (the later edition).
In this paper, we focused on the yao-dao “腰刀” and the chang-dao “長刀” in those two editions of the book. The conclusions of our study are :
1. The yao-dao in the earlier edition has some special features that were adopted from the Japanese sword such as a single edge, a long thin edge, and an edge that is longer than the hilt, and a slightly curved edge. The yao-dao was used with a shield made of cane in the earlier edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu. In the traditional Chinese military idea, a sword was used with a wooden shield, and both the sword and shield were very heavy. The yao-dao and a shield made from cane were lighter than the traditional Chinese swords and shields, therefore, these new weapons replaced the old ones. Through this process, some features of the Japanese sword were accepted in the earlier edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu.
2. In the later edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu, the yao-dao and the chang-dao were described. There was an explanation about how to make the yao-dao, and some special features that came from the Japanese sword were described in the explanations. While both the yao-dao and the chang-dao have special features that come from Japanese sword, they are distinguished from each other by the total length of the sword with the chang-dao being longer than the yao-dao. The yao-dao was used with a shield made from cane, and the chang-dao was used with a rifle in the later edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu. In the earlier edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu, the chang-dao and rifle were also described, however, there were no explanations in detail. In addition, there was no guidance given on how to use the chang-dao with a rifle. In the later edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu, the special features of the Japanese sword were accepted through the military idea such as using the chang-dao with a rifle.

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元の大都の平面を調べて見ると、大内宮闕の位置が都城の南部の中央區附近にあつて、普通の支那式首都とは異なつてゐる。その特異性が生じた原因は、遼・金以來の宮闕を一方に偏せしめる傾向を繼承して、宮闕の位置を適當に移動しようとする思想があつたこと、その背景の下に蒙古古來の斡耳朶の配置法が採り入れられたらしいことにあると推察し、その點を明らかにするために斡耳朶の配置法を考へ、且つ斡耳朶の固定都市に採り入れる役を演じたのが1西域技術者ではなかつたらうかと推定した。

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The account of "Yingzhou ru Andongdao" 営州入安東道 in the Jiadan Daoliji 道里記, which appears at the end of the gazetteer, Xin-Tangshu 新唐書, is an important record based on a work of geography written at the beginning of the ninth century, and it has been well-studied due to its reference to the Bohai 渤海 boundary in the Liaodong 遼東 region. However, two problems remain concerning this record. First, researchers disagree about whether or not it's information refers to the time prior to the rebellion of An-Shi 安史 during the Zhenyuan 貞元 era. Second, and more importantly, is its reliability as a historical source material. Therefore, it is important to interpret this account in order to understand Bohai's rule over the Liaodong area at the time. Here the author first reexamines character of the record and then employs it as a key in knowing Bohai's situation in the mid-eighth century. His conclusions are as follows. To begin with, the account of Yingzhou ru Andongdao puts together information from various time periods. Of this information, the account of the route from Andongduhufu 安東都護府 to Bohai's capital is probably based on information provided for an extremely limited period of time during mid-eighth century and, therefore, should be discounted from the long term historical record. That is to say, the southwest boundary of Bohai between Fushun 撫順 and Muqi 木奇 existed only during the rebellion of An-Shi, when Bohai occupied a very small area of Liaodong. Therefore, when analyzing East Asian relations at various points in time, the research must take into account not only foreign relations but also the domestic affairs of Bohai. In addition, regarding relations between Bohai and Liaodong after the mid-eighth century, it is necessary to read texts both carefully and critically.

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