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  • ―ドイツの武器輸出政策との関連から―
    伊藤 嘉彦
    国際安全保障
    2019年 46 巻 4 号 67-82
    発行日: 2019/03/31
    公開日: 2022/03/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山添 博史
    ロシア・東欧研究
    2024年 2024 巻 53 号 45-58
    発行日: 2024年
    公開日: 2025/06/04
    ジャーナル フリー

    Since Russia openly launched military operations on the entire territory of Ukraine in February 2022, Russia and Ukraine have entered into their own wartime periods, and many different actions by the nations have been observed. When observing the two countries, it is difficult to accurately grasp the facts on the battlefield, and both countries provide information that differs from reality, but the conditions involved are different. Although reporting on the facts on the battlefield in Ukraine is also restricted, many facts within the country can be critically examined. In Russia, spreading anything that differs from the authorities regarding military operations has become a criminal offense, and information is also being disseminated with the intention of manipulating public opinion and the views of intellectuals, so there are more conditions that prevent accurate understanding of information originating from Russia. From 2014 to 2021, Russia began to use many coercive measures, such as occupying the Crimean Peninsula, getting involved in the Donbas conflict, and intervening in the politics of Western countries, but it limited the intensity of violence and used many diplomatic measures. Ukraine began to reform its system to counter Russia, which violated its sovereignty, but the entire population did not solidify in its stance to confront Russia. When Russia began its military operation in February 2022, it clearly expressed its desire for Ukraine to become unified under Russia, but it was unclear how to achieve this through military operations. Later, it became clear that the aim was to quickly establish a pro-Moscow government in Kyiv, through military shock and traitors within the Ukrainian authorities, but this plan did not match the reality of Ukraine and failed. Russia decided to continue the military operation and increased its control over the Luhansk Oblast, but suffered heavy losses, including numerous military failures, and has made progress little by little in compensation, but has not achieved its goal even after 33 months. During this wartime, it has not only harmed residents on the battlefield, but has also engaged in highly violent actions that go beyond the purpose of seeking Russia’s security, such as obstructing humanitarian aid, abducting children and forcing them to be educated as ethnic Russians, and allowing illegal acts by combatants to harm Russian citizens. Furthermore, through the disruption of grain exports, violation of norms regarding nuclear weapons, and the degradation of UN Security Council resolutions, Russia has continued to present the threat of undermining the functioning of the international order, even if it goes against the wishes of China, the Middle East, and African countries. Ukraine has notably demonstrated the improvement of social cohesion, the maintenance of civilian activities, diplomatic success in gaining international understanding and support, and tactical success in attacking Russia’s vulnerabilities with organizational operational capabilities, including new technologies. Nevertheless, eradicating corruption is facing troubles, and it is extremely difficult to chart a path to recovering Ukraine’s rights in the midst of war.

  • 青木 健太
    ロシア・ユーラシアの社会
    2022年 2022 巻 1062 号 50-64
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/10/13
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 難波 和明
    組織科学
    1997年 30 巻 3 号 44-50
    発行日: 1997年
    公開日: 2022/07/22
    ジャーナル フリー
     軍事用語としての支援は,さまざまな場合に用いられる.軍の部隊は,直接戦闘部隊と支援部隊にわけられ,しだいに支援部隊の比重がたかまっている.西側諸国の軍隊は支援重視型の軍隊ということができ,ロシアの軍隊は中央統制型の軍隊であるといえる.この違いは,政府または支配者が自国の軍隊を信用できるかどうかによると思われる.次に支援―被支援関係が成り立つためには,相手を信用できることが必要であり,相手を信用できなければ,相手の自由を制限し,自立性を低くする統制,服従になる.これは,支援を考察する際の重要な点であると思われる.
  • 伊藤 弘太郎
    国際安全保障
    2024年 51 巻 4 号 72-90
    発行日: 2024/03/31
    公開日: 2025/05/03
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 吉崎 知典
    国際安全保障
    2021年 48 巻 4 号 59-75
    発行日: 2021/03/31
    公開日: 2022/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―プーチン・メドヴェージェフ両政権下における軍改革プランの比較―
    小泉 悠
    国際安全保障
    2011年 39 巻 1 号 28-45
    発行日: 2011/06/30
    公開日: 2022/04/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―サウジアラビアとUAEを中心に―
    溝渕 正季
    国際安全保障
    2024年 51 巻 4 号 37-56
    発行日: 2024/03/31
    公開日: 2025/05/03
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―実効性向上のための軍事戦略上の条件―
    須田 道夫
    国際安全保障
    2013年 41 巻 1 号 73-91
    発行日: 2013/06/30
    公開日: 2022/04/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 東アジアの新しい国際環境
    川島 弘三
    国際政治
    1984年 1984 巻 78 号 45-63,L7
    発行日: 1984/10/27
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    There have been some great wave motions in the Sino-Soviet relations during the past several years. After the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979, China postponed the normalization talks with the Soviet Union. The treaty of alliance between the P. R. C. and the U. S. S. R. lost effect. Throughout the year of 1980, the relations between the two countries have remained frozen.
    In March 1982, Brezhnev, speaking in Tashkent, gave a signal of Soviet willingness to resume the negotiation with China. Throughout the several rounds of talks, China called for three preconditions for normalization (including the withdrawal or reduction of Soviet forces in the area bordering on China) and the Soviets proposed implementing “confidence building measures” in the border area. The result fell short of expectation.
    The focus of the talks is how to resolve the problem of the military threat in the border area.
    Since the mid-1960s, the Soviet Union has greatly increased its ground forces along the border. In order to respond to the tensions in 1979-1980, China began to shift its strategic posture from “defense in depth” to “forward defense” and changed its force deployment. The Chinese troops advanced to an intermediate area between the border and the “deep” depth. Since 1981, the Chinese militay leadership adopted a “combined arms operation” and began to study its applications in this theater.
    The main Chinese operation plan is to interdict a high-speed, deep penetretion attack of Soviet armoured forces, at the defence Zone organized in the intermediate area and to go on a counter-offensive by using light anti-tank guided weapon (ATGW) forces. The conversion of tactial concepts into “forward defense” and “point defense” (to intercept a Soviet surprise attack) means de facto abandonment of the Mao Zedong's military doctrine of “people's war.” So long as the Soviet Union makes military threat against China, China will not be able to afford the policy of “equidistance” between the U. S. S. R. and the U. S. A. There will be much bigger tilt to the West, and detente with the Soviet Union will go slowly in the forseeable future.
    But some cardres who studied in the Soviet Union in the 1950s have gradually gained power and Chinese weaponry and strategic concepts are largely based on the Soviet model. If the Soviets pull back some troops from the border, there will be some probability of a drastic change in Sino-Soviet relations.
  • オスマエフ アッバス, 富樫 耕介
    ロシア・ユーラシアの社会
    2020年 2020 巻 1053 号 57-84
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2023/03/08
    ジャーナル フリー
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