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  • 維新期における山国隊の西洋ドラム奏法受容とその継承
    奥中 康人
    東洋音楽研究
    2005年 2005 巻 70 号 1-17,L1
    発行日: 2005/08/20
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Western military music or the drum and fife corps was diffused in every corner of the earth with expansion of colonization in the late 19th century. It was not the art music but the new technology of maintaining the order in an army, especially in drill of an infantry. Since this technology was often mixed with different cultures of music, it assimilated into local community. In Japan, a number of Western-style drum corps with Japanese bamboo flute were founded in the end of Edo period.
    In the first part of this paper, I made clear the social context and role of drum and drummer in a platoon Yamaguni-tai which was organized voluntarily to enter into the Boshin Civil War (1868). The leader Itsuki Fujino's daily war report serves to attain this purpose. Because the drum call and march were essential to the stable operation of modern tactics, they must be trained elaboratively during the War under the signal of drummer boy, who was employed from outside. Snare drum made them develop their physical ability as soldiers. Just before the end of the War members of Yamaguni-tai had learned how to play the snare drum or flute in order to participate in a triumphant return from Edo to Kyoto. They handed down two repertories for this parade on the next generation: “Koshinkyoku [March]” and “Reishiki [Ceremony], ” which would have represented the legitimacy of the new Meiji Government backing up the Mikado.
    In the second part, I focused on their drumming. Although at the present time Yamaguni-tai dresses in period military costume and blows pentatonic melodies on the bamboo flutes, we can point out some evidences enough to prove that their playing manner have its roots on Western music. In Yamaguni-tai the performance has been memorized by means of the onomatopoeic words and graphic notation for drum. Based on careful observation and analysis of their presentation, it is obvious that these two tools indicated exactly player's bodily movements of both arms rather than the sound itself. This onomatopoeia including “Hororon” (=once five stroke roll) and “En Tei” (=twice flam; “En Tei” is derive from Dutch “een twee”) corresponds to well-known drum exercises for stick control: Drum Rudiments. For that reason we can conclude Yamaguni-tai to be a fine example of acculturation of Western Music in Japan. It should be stressed that they have been able to continue their oral tradition since the Meiji Restoration just because of unawareness of the origin of their own drum method. If we tried to translate their music into Western musical notation which was familiar to us, their physical movements could never survive no longer.
  • 毛利 敏彦
    経済史研究
    2009年 12 巻 226-231
    発行日: 2009/02/10
    公開日: 2018/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 文久三年~慶応元年の大名貸
    須賀 博樹
    経済史研究
    2018年 21 巻 105-127
    発行日: 2018/01/25
    公開日: 2018/07/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 狩野 勝重, 松井 壽則
    日本建築学会技術報告集
    2004年 10 巻 20 号 349-352
    発行日: 2004/12/20
    公開日: 2017/04/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    We have some uncultivated field charts of KOUYA-Wildness in Fukushima prefecture. One of these, Measurement Chart of KOUYA-Wildness, was used as master figure of other charts. ASAKA Agricultural Rainwater Management Office now owns this one. In this report, these charts are compared with the current appearance of KOUYA-Wildness. As a result, it has known that the state at immigration is explained well, in the current appearance.
  • 本庄 榮治郎
    社会経済史学
    1936年 5 巻 10 号 1111-1127
    発行日: 1936/01/15
    公開日: 2017/09/25
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 小澤 聡, 鈴木 暎一, 小澤 智, 関口 毅
    身体運動文化研究
    2020年 25 巻 1 号 75-83
    発行日: 2020/03/15
    公開日: 2022/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 浦﨑 真一, 江下 以知子
    ランドスケープ研究
    2017年 80 巻 5 号 425-430
    発行日: 2017/03/31
    公開日: 2017/09/13
    ジャーナル フリー

    This study aimed to examine the planning thought and practice that went into the designing of private gardens by Yasuhei Nagaoka. Based on Nagaoka’s statement, in this study, his works were verified using the design documents. A precedent study focused on his planning thought for parks among his works, but the private gardens required unlike these thought. In other words, since private gardens are planned based on architectures that is clearly used to live in, he paid attention to creating harmony between the gardens and the architectures. This is seen from the layouts described in most of architecture places in the gardens planned by him. In particular, most of Nagaoka’s designs were realized in the garden he planned for the residence of Marquis Ikeda in Harajuku. He tried using his planning thought on many private gardens, but these could not be carried out completely. Consequently, it was possible to conclude that the garden of Marquis Ikeda's residence is a typical example of a private garden among his works.

  • 工藤 泰子
    日本国際観光学会論文集
    2017年 24 巻 33-41
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2019/06/12
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    Matsue is considered one of the three major cities of tea culture, along with Kyoto and Kanazawa; however, it is not as wellknown as the other two cities. The deep relationship between Matsue and tea culture developed due to the efforts of Matsudaira Harusato, Fumai, who was the feudal lord of Matsue in the 18th century, and father of Fumai-ryu, or the Fumai style of tea ceremony.
    The aims of this paper are to clarify the process of establishing Fumai as a cultural resource of Matsue, by verifying the events honouring former feudal lords held in the Meiji and the Taisho period, and discuss the potential of Fumai and tea culture in the development of tourism in Matsue.
  • 三ツ松 誠
    宗教研究
    2012年 86 巻 1 号 79-102
    発行日: 2012/06/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    近年、天皇祭祀を重視する新たな「国家神道」論が提出されているが、実際の祭祀を推進した側が近代日本の宗教政策をどう考えていたのかは議論が少ない。そこで式部寮で活躍した国学者飯田年平の議論を検討した。彼は厳密な古典研究に基づいた神祇・教導政策の実施を持論とし、天皇を中心とした神々への崇敬を他の諸宗教の上に置いた。そして「国体皇道」を国民に貫徹させようとする志向性に比して、その「宗教」性を拡充しようとする志向性は弱かった。彼の主張ほどに政府が教導政策へ積極的なコミットメントを行ったとは見做しがたい。だが、彼の論理が、所謂「神社非宗教論」と方向性を同じくしている、と評価することは許されよう。かかる立場からすれば、日本人としてのナショナル・アイデンティティの確立にはコスモロジカル、そしてスピリチュアルな基礎付けが第一に求められると説いた平田篤胤の議論は、批判すべきものだったのである。
  • ―藩士が見た「布達」類の書体と記録した「控」類の書体―
    青山 由起子
    書学書道史研究
    2005年 2005 巻 15 号 71-87
    発行日: 2005/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1994年 103 巻 8 号 1537-1567
    発行日: 1994/08/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1989年 98 巻 7 号 1292-1325
    発行日: 1989/07/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 德安 浩明
    人文地理
    2011年 63 巻 5 号 391-411
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2018/01/23
    ジャーナル フリー

    The iron smelting industry in Japan, until the beginning of the 20th century, was run by the traditional iron sand smelting method known as tatara. Iron sand was collected by breaking up weathered granitic rocks and sorting them in running water. This method of mining was known as kanna-nagashi. In the Hino River basin of Tottori Prefecture, kanna-nagashi created large reserves of excess sand which, when carried downriver, caused major flooding in the basin, requiring numerous flood control countermeasures. This paper examines the flooding caused by kanna-nagashi from the Edo Period (1600–1867) in terms of three criteria: (1) riverbank construction, levees, and their related cost sharing; (2) limits imposed on the amount of kanna-nagashi; and (3) the cost sharing and work-sharing arrangements between Hino-gun and Aimi-gun related to river dredging projects. This paper also examines the responses of the new Meiji government and local citizen groups.

    Tottori authorities (han officials) in 1823 decreed that Hino-gun restrict its mining operations, which were resulting in a rise in riverbed levels downstream. Hino-gun agreed to pay for flood prevention measures, and attempted to continue with normal mining operations. However, though smelting company owners and Hino-gun were to bear the costs of riverbed cleanup, in fact payment was often not made right away. Further, in the midst of these circumstances, in 1829 the worst flood of the later Edo Period occurred. After the flood, Hino-gun either made payments or sent laborers directly to Aimi-gun to carry out further riverbed cleanup.

    Later Yonago-cho and Aimi-gun made repeated requests of the Tottori authorities regarding both riverbank maintenance and restricting kanna-nagashi. The authorities, in turn, carried out repairs and various construction projects to strengthen the riverbanks. But by 1861, with the riverbed continuing to rise, the Tottori authorities ordered Hino-gun to cut the number of kanna-nagashi operations by 50%. This resulted in a period where kanna-nagashi was strictly controlled.

    With the Meiji Restoration, many laws were enacted to regulate riparian commerce, but it is impossible to confirm whether any significant development occurred. In fact, smelting operations were almost entirely suspended, and by 1868 riverbeds had deepened. In the early years of the Meiji Era (1868–1912), the regulations and rulings regarding kanna-nagashi made by the Edo Period Tottori authorities were no longer being carried out, and Hino-gun stopped its riverbed cleanup operations in Aimi-gun. In 1885 flooding continued, but 1886 saw the worst flood in the area of the entire Meiji Era. As a result, Tottori Prefecture requested financial aid from Tokyo for riverbank reconstruction. Then in 1888, new regulations relating to kanna-nagashi. Further, the Yonago-cho “Flood Prevention Cooperative” was created, and it bore a portion of the expenses used for riverside construction projects.

    Even so, from the last years of the Edo Period to the latter half of the Meiji Era, the Hino river delta advanced rapidly, pushing the ocean shoreline back at an average annual rate of eleven meters. The rapid lengthening of the river, along with the thriving kanna-nagashi activity resulted in a considerable rise in the level of the riverbed. As a result, after another major flood in 1893, Yonago-cho requested that the government halt all kanna-nagashi activities. But the Kondo family, the head of the smelting company owners, countered by strongly denying any link between kanna-nagashi and flooding.

    [View PDF for the rest of the abstract.]

  • 大江 洋代
    史学雑誌
    2005年 114 巻 10 号 1657-1690
    発行日: 2005/10/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article attempts to identify how the national army of Japan was formed in the early Meiji era by focusing on the history of military training institutions, mainly the Rikugun Kyododan陸軍教導団, an academy established to train noncommissioned officers, which was closed in 1899 with the successful implementation of compulsory conscription. At the beginning of the Meiji era, the new government found itself faced with the danger of private armies formed among the samurai classes in the han藩feudal territories and thus decided to organize a national standing army under its direct control. The government also decided to open a military academy, Rikugun Kyododan (formerly known as Kato Seihei河東精兵) in order to gather and train in the French style cadets selected from the existing private armies. At the same time, another academy called the Seinen Gakusha青年学舎(the predecessor to the National Military Academy) was opened in order to train commissioned officers with the purpose of standardizing the existing private armies and incorporating them into the national standing army. However, with the abolition of the han, the latter institution was closed and the training of both CO's and NCO's was conducted at the Rikugun Kyododan. When the government embarked on a system of compulsory conscription, which was aimed at increasing the number of NCO cadets, training was again divided into two academies, Rikugun Kyododan for non-coms conscripted from the general public and the new Rikugun Shikan Gakko陸軍士官学校for CO's. However, contrary to the government's intentions, applicants to the former continued to come from the han armies and other volunteers rather than conscription. Therefore, the closing of the Rikugun Kyododan in 1899 ironically marked the time when a sufficient amount of NCO candidates could be supplied via conscription, thus completing the final transition to a bona-fide modern bureaucratic army for Japan.
  • 千田 稔
    史学雑誌
    1976年 85 巻 9 号 1290-1319,1367-
    発行日: 1976/09/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to examine the local policy adopted by the Ishin Government and the process of its implementation. We shall approach this subject by studying the dispute between the Okuma and Okubo factions in the early Meiji Over the financial aspects of the local policy. Bad harvests brought financial difficulties to the government and destitution to the farmers in the early Meiji. The government was thereby coofronted with problems in executing its local policy. Okuma's local policy emphasized tax collection and the concentration of taxes in the national treasury, while Okubo's local policy stressed "benevolent government" (jin-sei), the reduction of and exemption from taxes, and the cutting of government expenses. The Okubo clique appointed most of the local governors and important local officials and established local government institutions according to the design of Hirosawa. But, Okuma's party established a base for the execution of its policy by combining the Home Ministry with the Finance Ministry. Naturally, it then attempted to collect and concentrate taxes, as set by its program. But, such a program faced serious obstacles. The local administration organization by designed Hirosawa had not yet won popular acceptance, though it had already the germ of a new method to rule the people. So Okuma's tax policy continued with the result that farmers riots occurred frequently. Consequently, Okubo severely lambasted Okuma for not breaking up the Home Ministry from the Finance Ministry. After his tax policy had been frustrated, Okuma compromised by separating the two ministries. But, he still imposed his tax policy and also created the Ministry of Industry (Kobu-sho). Thus, the dispute between Okuma and Okubo was due tb the former's stress on the formation of capital because of the western impact and the latters stress on the formation of a political base. Okuma implemented his policy to overcome the government's financial difficulties and form a secure financial basis to let the country handle the western impact through such policies as the encouragement of industry. After the arrival of the West Japan was obliged to have a policy to handle the western impact. This policy demanded a financial base that led to a resolute policy of tax collection by the local governments for the central government. This approach, however, brought about riots by the farmers and further financial difficulties for the government. That, in short, is the conclusion found and proved in this paper.
  • 史学雑誌
    1991年 100 巻 7 号 1304-1350
    発行日: 1991/07/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1990年 99 巻 7 号 1313-1359
    発行日: 1990/07/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
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