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  • —米海兵隊の将軍の学位取得を中心に—
    諏訪 猛
    大学経営政策研究
    2015年 5 巻 99-117
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2022/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper clarifies the malfunctions and insufficiencies of the education policy and system of the Japan Defense Ministry and Self-Defense Forces (SDF). Currently, there is a low number of SDF officers who hold Master’s degrees compared with foreign armed forces, so this paper also addresses the reason why an SDF personnel cannot enjoy the opportunity of attending Professional Military Education (PME) as the same level of higher education (i.e., above Master’s degree level courses) outlined by the Council for Examination of Drastic Reforms in the Personnel Field of the Defense Force. I analyzed personal biography data of 91 Marine Generals and discovered the following three findings: (1) the excellence of the United States Marine Education Policy and system (similar to PME); (2) the efficient education system of the United States Marine Corps (USMC) University, which includes Marine Corps War College, School of Advanced Warfighting, and Marine Corps Command & Staff College; and (3) the healthy competition in promotional systems in the USMC that will contribute to the Japan Defense Ministry and SDF policy-making in the education system reforms.

  • 清水 文枝
    国際安全保障
    2014年 42 巻 3 号 125-129
    発行日: 2014/12/31
    公開日: 2022/04/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 青野 壽郎
    地学雑誌
    1956年 65 巻 4 号 205-206
    発行日: 1956/12/30
    公開日: 2009/11/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西本 喜久子
    全国大学国語教育学会国語科教育研究:大会研究発表要旨集
    2006年 110 巻
    発行日: 2006/05/27
    公開日: 2020/07/15
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 高瀬 国雄
    農業農村工学会誌
    2007年 75 巻 7 号 591-594,a1
    発行日: 2007/07/01
    公開日: 2011/08/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    東西冷戦終了後, アフリカ諸国の要請によって, 日本政府が主催した「東京アフリカ開発会議(TICAD)」は, 1993年から5年おきに開かれてきたが, アフリカ開発は遅々として進まない。その理由としては, アフリカ政府の主体性と協調性の低さ, 国際機関やドナーの援助方針のまずさ, 市民社会の軽視などが考えられる。しかしその基本には, アフリカ人口の7割以上の住む農村開発戦略の不在が, 大きく影響している。1960年代にアジアで成功した「緑の革命」の経験を, 自然・文化条件の異なるアフリカの食料・貧困の撲滅に活用するには「虹色の革新」が最適であろう。
    2008年に日本で開催されるTICADIVとG-8を目標として, 日本政府, 市民社会, 民間企業のより積極的な協力が切に望まれる。
  • スペイン語教育復活の経緯とホセ・リサルの役割
    安井 祐一
    HISPANICA / HISPÁNICA
    1979年 1979 巻 23 号 117-137
    発行日: 1979/10/15
    公開日: 2010/06/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • —陸上自衛隊・米海兵隊比較を通して—
    諏訪 猛
    大学経営政策研究
    2021年 11 巻 101-116
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2022/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper clarifies the functions of the United States Marine Corps’ Promotion system for the officers and the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force (JGSDF) Promotion system for the officers through two main factors. The first factor is education, the Military Professional Education (PME) at the Marine Corps University, colleges, and schools that allow the marine officers to be promoted to the next higher rank by learning the military professional subjects required for officers to carry out their missions at higher positions. Second, the acquisition of the master’s degrees at the Military universities and colleges is essential for the promotion of marine officers to a higher rank of Major and Lieutenant Colonel. The JGSDF has no higher education system as the US Marine Corps (USMC). However, it has a non-academic degree-oriented career path through the definite military education system. The comparison between the USMC and JGSDF clarifies the reason such a traditional Japanese education system makes a difference to officers and clues why the JGSDF officers are such educated skillful soldiers, even if they have no academic degrees.

  • ポストモダン大統領制を超えて
    鈴木 健
    時事英語学研究
    2009年 2009 巻 48 号 1-20
    発行日: 2009/08/31
    公開日: 2025/04/10
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    第44代米大統領に就任したオバマは、スビーチの名手との評価を受けている。本稿では、オバマの政治レトリックの戦略と今後の可能性を分析する。第 1に、オバマのレトリックの特徴を明らかにする。次に、大統領選最大のメディア・イベントである TVディベートを考察する。第 3に、オバマの大統領就任演説のジャンル分析を提示する。最後に、プラハにおける非核演説を、政治コミュニケーションの観点から分析する。大統領キャンペーン、就任演説、国際社会に向けての呼びかけと、それぞれのオバマのレトリック戦略を考察することで、今後のレトリカル・プレジデンシーのあり方を考える。
  • ― 日本において最初の公定乳脂肪率容量式測定法となった マルシャン法採用の史的背景Ⅱ ―
    足立 達
    酪農乳業史研究
    2013年 2013 巻 7 号 20-27
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2024/12/13
    ジャーナル フリー
    After the opening of a port to foreign trade in 1859, the number of Westerners migrating into the foreign settlement of Yokohama increased rapidly, and reached to about 1200. In order to fulfill the expectations of consumers for milk and beef, dairy farms and cattle slaughterhouses were established. Prussian brothers, Henry and Edward Schnell, who had migrated from Indonesia to Yokohama in about 1860, established a dairy farm at the center of the foreign settlement in 1861~1863. Tomekiti Maeda worked on the Schnell's farm as an employee and acquired milking techniques at free moments during his 3 years on the farm. Maeda then established the first dairy farm outside of the foreign settlement, but he did not achieve success. However, he was invited to Tokyo as an instructor of milking techniques by a governmental organization, and was able to establish a group of capable dairy farmers. The origin of ice cream making in Japan can be traced to the entertainment with ice cream for a Japanese mission to Washington D.C, via an interpreter Matuzou Desima. In 1869 the first marketing of ice cream began in Yokohama by Husazou Machida who had taken instruction from Desima in 1868. The hygienic fact that milk and cream are raw products in every respect was an important lesson.
  • 森 貞彦
    技術と文明
    1986年 3 巻 1 号 21-35
    発行日: 1986/09/30
    公開日: 2022/12/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ――新史料からの再検討――
    麻田 雅文
    国際政治
    2023年 2023 巻 211 号 211_123-211_139
    発行日: 2023/11/25
    公開日: 2024/11/09
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    The fact that Stalin demanded the northern half of Hokkaido from President Truman on August 16, 1945, and was denied is evidence of the Soviet Union’s strong interest in influencing and occupying of the main islands of Japan.

    The conflict between the U.S. and the Soviet Union over the occupation of Hokkaido has been vividly described in many previous studies, such as Tsuyoshi Hasegawa, Racing the Enemy: Stalin, Truman, and the Surrender of Japan (2005), but the point of contention in those accounts has been the occupation of the Kuril Islands and the relationship of this action to Siberian internment. Generally, such works have examined the documented correspondence between the leaders of the U.S. and the Soviet Union published in Foreign Relations of the United States. In the time since the collapse of the Soviet Union, there have not been many newly published historical records. However, it has been suggested that the Soviet Union’s request for the northern half of Hokkaido was intended to extract a concession from the U.S. in the form of the occupation of all the Kuril Islands.

    This underestimation of the seriousness of the Soviet demand has been put forward in the absence of studies treating the discussions that took place within the Soviet Union before and after the demand for Hokkaido. The author has found historical documents in the Foreign Policy Archives of the Russian Federation that shed light on these issues.

    These new documents show, first, that the Soviet military hoped to occupy the entirety of Hokkaido, but this was reduced within the Kremlin to the northern half. Furthermore, even after Truman’s rejection of the demand, the Soviet military continued to consider occupying the island. In addition, there were other areas besides Hokkaido within the realm of Soviet ambition. Specifically, the Soviets showed strong interest in the management of the Tsushima Straits, the Tsugaru Straits, and the Soya Straits. In connection with the Tsushima Straits, Soviet military officers and diplomats also included in their memorandums of understanding entering Pusan, Jeju Island, and Tsushima Island. Stalin’s request for the northern half of Hokkaido also appears to have been part of a strait security initiative.

    To the best of our knowledge, the series of historical documents utilized in this article have not formed a part of any published research hitherto. Improved knowledge of Soviet plans for the partition and occupation of Japan should also provide additional insight into the territorial origins of the Japan that emerged into the postwar period.

  • 地理学評論
    1926年 2 巻 4 号 363-380,389
    発行日: 1926/04/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 後藤 乾一
    アジア太平洋討究
    2018年 33 巻 43-75
    発行日: 2018/03/20
    公開日: 2022/10/27
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー

    Prewar Okinawa was known as an “emigrant prefecture,” with its three major immigration destinations being the Americas, including North America, South America and Hawaii, Micronesia, and the American-ruled Philippines. World War I generated additional “southward advance” fever, increasing the number of emigrants from Okinawa to other parts of insular Southeast Asia. The paper will first examine the demographics of emigration from Okinawa to Southeast Asia, then examine the process of formation of Japanese society in Indonesia (The Dutch East Indies), along with the Dutch authority’s strategic policies towards Japan as an example.

    Having this grounded background, the major theme of this paper is to try to reconstruct the fragmented reality of Okinawa’s “involvement in Southeast Asia” through a portrayal of the life of Matayoshi Taketoshi (1881–1943), a pioneering prewar emigrant from Okinawa to Indonesia. A resident of Agunijima, a remote, impoverished island of the Okinawan archipelago, Matayoshi Taketoshi went to Malang, East Java, in the beginning of the 1910s. In Java, Matayoshi owned various businesses including a barbershop, a salon, and a small coffee plantation thanks to his diligent work in extremely difficult circumstances. As a result, he was one of the Okinawans who enjoyed substantial prestige in Japanese society in Indonesia. However, facing the impending “Great East Asian War,” Matayoshi, against his will, was forced to abandon the economic basis of his life in Java, which he had developed with the assistance of 30 relatives from his hometown who he invited to join him.

    The crossing of Okinawan migration studies and concrete studies on the Japanese community in prewar Indonesia, in this case the life history of Matayoshi, an unknown Okinawan man’s “involvement in Souteast Asia,” reveal previously unknown characteristics of the prewar Okinawa-Indonesian relationship, and contribute to a more complex understanding of Japan-Southeast Asia relations in the pre-war era.

  • 島根・広島・山口
    池田 哲郎
    英学史研究
    1973年 1974 巻 6 号 135-175
    発行日: 1973/09/30
    公開日: 2010/01/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 環太平洋国際関係史のイメージ
    三輪 公忠
    国際政治
    1993年 1993 巻 102 号 1-21,L5
    発行日: 1993/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Matthew Calbraith Perry visited Japan twice, in July 1853 and the early spring of the following year. On the first visit he successfully delivered President Filmore's letter addressed to the Emperor of Japan to the Shogun's representatives at Kurihama on the 14th of July. Along with the Presidential communication asking for the opening of Japan, Perry presented his own “three” letters addressed to the Emperor of Japan. But according to the Japanese sources, Dai Nihon ko monjo available since 1910 in a published form (Tokyo University Press), there was a “fourth” letter handed presumably on the same day to the Bakufu officials along with “two” white flags. The letter explained that in case of war between the United States and Japan, Japan was bound to be defeated. “Then Japan should ask for peace by hoisting the flags.”
    Curiously enough, this piece of document has never been seriously considered in the historiography of U. S. -Japanese relations. Even at the height of the anti-American campaign of the post-Pearl Harbor years during the Pacific War, that intimidating letter of Perry's was never mentioned in Japanese literature. A natural question arises: How did this happen? One obvious reason, as was discovered in the course of research for this essay, was attributable to Perry himself. He destroyed it from all American sources to keep his record clean from having deviated from the President's explicit instructions not to resort to hostile actions as the mission was for friendly relations.
    No mention had ever been made of the letter and the flags in American literature until a partial exception was made by Peter Booth Wiley in 1990 based on an English translation from the Japanese documents noted above. The Japanese scholars who assumed that all the primary sources were apparently to be found in the United States duplicated the American writers' mistakes. Still it does not seem fully to answer the question why the Japanese writers, among them especially the specialists in American diplomacy toward Japan, had not become aware of the existence of the document in two versions of Japanese translation in a published form since 1910.
    There are many conceivable reasons. But one outstanding cause which this essay explores concerns Inazo Nitobe. In his virgin book, The Intercourse between The United States and Japan: A Historical Sketch (The Johns Hopkins University, 1891), he came close enough to disclosing the threatening letter of Perry's but refrained from doing so. He presented even a Japanese document which had an explicit reference to the “white flags, ” but from his abridged English translation, Nitobe chose to drop the reference even by distorting the meaning of the paragraph. In his mind U. S. -Japanese relations were much too precious to be adversely affected by the reminder of such an episode. His students of American studies at the Imperial University of Tokyo in the 1910's and their students after them must have accepted it as a tradition.
    It is indeed proverbial that while Perry destroyed a historical document for the preservation of his own honor and his illustrious family's record in U. S. history, Nitobe and his students kept it away from public knowledge for the sake of Japan's smooth passage into a “civilized and enlightened” modern nation in friendship and “mutual understanding” with the American nation.
  • 社会経済史学
    2021年 87 巻 3 号 297-310
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/12/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 4 号 548-583
    発行日: 2002/04/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 深井 人詩, 佐藤 徹夫, 目黒 聰子, 伊吹 啓, 秋山 恭子, 小笠原 玲子
    図書館学会年報
    1983年 29 巻 Supplement 号 S1-S60
    発行日: 1983年
    公開日: 2022/10/07
    ジャーナル フリー
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