法華山寺関係周辺の日本僧が宋朝一切経の補刻事業に与かり、その時期も、一二三四年以降、一二四四年以前という約十年に限定できることは、ほぼ確実となってきた。二年(一二四二)から五年(一二四五)、この前後に東禅寺版の補刻事業に奔走していた中国の勧進僧道永の存在が金沢文庫蔵宋版一切経の調査で既に知られる。東禅寺前知蔵の道永が、同時期の日本僧の補刻事業への捨財援助を承知していない筈はなく、中国側の道永の一切経補刻の勧縁慕財の活動は緊密に法華山寺慶政等の捨財慕縁の「営為」と結び付いていたことは確実となる。東寺蔵一切経の補刻捨財刊語の最も新しい年記は、甲辰(一二四五)年で、西山法華山寺慶政による重要な聞書、書陵部蔵『漂到琉球国記』一巻が成立した年であり、「甲辰」の年は西山法華山寺関係の僧侶に係る捨財補刻が入港先の「福州」で進行していたのである。法華山寺の慶政の住房に於いて成立した『漂到琉球国記』は、積極的にこの補刻事業版一切経舶載事業の促す副産物として読み解くべきであろう。更に、琉球に関する「知識」の流入を、延慶本『平家物語』に探る。

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入宋僧俊芿（一一六六～一二二七、入宋：一一九九～一二一一）は、自身が留学前に日本で学んだ日本天台の円戒思想を中国に伝えた。俊芿は留学中、如庵了宏（？〜一二〇〇〜一二一一頃）に師事し、俊芿同様に了宏に師事していた鉄翁守一は、俊芿が紹介した日本天台の菩薩戒単受の思想に影響され、新しい南山宗義の解釈を主張するに至る。これに反論したのが上翁妙蓮（一一八二〜一二六二）である。守一・妙蓮両者の間には論争が繰り返された。
　商船に乗って日中間を往来する多くの日本僧が二人に師事した。南宋代南山宗内の論争は、彼らによって、リアルタイムで日本に伝えられたと考えられる。
　特に入宋して妙蓮に師事した真照（？〜一二五四〜一三〇二、入宋：一二六〇〜一二六三）は、後に東大寺戒壇院の長老となる凝然（一二四〇〜一三二一）と同門であった。このため、凝然は妙蓮に至る系譜を南山宗の正統に位置づけ、日本においては守一が異端、妙蓮こそ正義と決定している。さらに凝然は、この論争の後、中国においては正しい戒律が行われなくなったと述べ、正統は日本にこそ残ったと示唆する。

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中世宗教を構成する諸要素と媒体を全てテクストとして認識することにより、その体系構造を貫く統辞法を見いだそうと試みる。その焦点として、経典や聖教という狭義のテクストから出発し、真福寺聖教調査の成果から浮かびあがる中世宗教の範疇とその変遷の系譜を辿る。古代の経蔵と目録から日本仏教が成立する過程を概観し、院政期真言密教の体系形成の一部に神祇書が生まれ、またその極みに文観の秘法聖教と図像が生みだされる様相を示す。更に真宗の祖師や聖徳太子崇敬の為の諸テクストを視野に入れ、その構造を試みに座標化しつつ、改めて中世仏教の全体像を俯瞰する。

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It is from the middle of 11th century to the beginning of 13th century that most of the excellent Buddhist-paintings were produced in Japan. This glorious period of Buddhist-painters can be said to have begun in 1068, when a famous painter Kyozen was honoured with the title of Sogoi (one of the high orders of Buddhist-monks). From that time on that title was given to a few distinguished painters one after another. This fact shows that the social status of painters was officially admitted. In 1184 Syoga, who was one of the famous painters of the Takuma school, was honoured with the same title. In this case, however, it was given to him rather as a priest, not as a distinguished painter. In the following times we can find a few similar cases, which tell the arrival of a new period in the history of Japanese paintings.

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本稿では、訓点資料研究の一問題として、高麗続蔵経(義天版)の伝持者と真言宗における西墓点使用者とが重なる点や、高野山における喜多院点伝播が高野山中院明算周辺と関わる点、心覚を巡る教学等を具体例に、院政期における訓点資料とその加点者や伝持者を手懸かりとした教学的交流の実態とそこから得られる典籍の素性や加点・移点・伝持に関する分析の必要性を述べた。特に、白河・鳥羽院政期における真言宗の緊密な教学的交流の実態(その一つとしての仁和寺教学圏の問題)と諸宗に亘るヲコト点流布や訓点本の伝持の問題に注目している。また、右の如き訓点資料の分析に必要なデータベースの構築について、血脈類の検索までをも含めた統合的検索システムの視点から、稿者の試みを紹介した。

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The purpose of this study is to clarify the function, architectural composition, scale, the placement in temple, and the formation time of the Shuryo(衆寮) in Zen Buddhism temple of Soong and Yuan dynasty. The historic materials used for this study are the rules(清規) and pictorial record of south Soong dynasty(五山十刹図) of Zen Buddhism temple, analects of Zen priest. And this research brought out four important results like follow: (1) The priests had individual seat at both Sodo(僧堂) and Syuryo. And the Shuryo was used for reading sutra and daily life space. (2) The Shuryo had the court yard in the building for lighting, and supporting space in the rear for needlework, tonsure and so on. And the Shuryo was built as same scale to the inner hall of Sodo for admitting all priests of temple. (3) The Shuryo was placed in the west area of temple and near to Sodo. And in the east area, there were Anjyado(行者堂) and Anjyaryo(行者寮) similar to Sodo and Shuryo, but those were the space for ascetics who didn't became the regular priest yet. (4) The Shuryo of Zen Buddhism temple, take the form as described above, was formatted in the north Soong dynasty at the latest.

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The present article focuses on changes that were taking place in the routes and forms of trade involving the transport of Chinese goods between the late Heian and late Kamakura period, in an attempt to clarify the character of the China trade in Japan and the involvement in it by the Kamakura Bakufu. During the Heian period, when Japan's foreign trade was managed under the directorship of hakata goshu 博多綱首, Chinese shipowners residing at the Song Dynasty quarters in the port of Hakata, shoen estate proprietors in Kyoto were obtaining Chinese goods through powerful local estate managers for the purpose of gift-giving. During the final years of the period, aristocrats, including imperial regent Taira-no-Kiyomori and cloistered emperor Goshirakawa, began to participate in foreign trade for the purpose of profiting from the import of Chinese copper coins, as connections were established between the shoen estate proprietary elite in Kyoto and the hakata goshu. Then during the early Kamakura period, such influential members of that Kyoto elite as the Saionji and Kujo Families invested such capital goods as lumber in the import of copper coins, etc., thus also forming contract trade relations with the hakata goshu. However, between the middle and late Kamakura period, a change occurred in the character of the China trade from contracting with Chinese shipowners to directly dispatching trade envoys from the Kamakura Bakufu and allied Buddhist temples as passengers on trade ships. The author argues that the reason behind such a transformation was that Japanese shippers were assuming a larger share of the traffic than their Chinese counterparts. Concerning shipping routes during the time in question, at its early stage, the Bakufu would entrust through the agency of the Dazaifu Imperial Headquarters of Kyushu such precious materials as sulphur and gold as capital to the hakata goshu, who would also act as the venture's Chinese interpreter (gobun tsuji 御分通事). Upon transaction of trade, the ship would return to Japan via Hakata headed for Wakaejima, a port island off the coast of Kamakura, with its cargo of copper coins, ceramics and the like. Although the account that the 3rd Shogun Minamoto-no-Sanetomo dispatched an envoy to Mt. Yandang in Zhejiang Province cannot be verified, it is true that by mid-period it became possible to dispatch trading ships directly from Kamakura. As goshu of Japanese descent increased in number from the mid-Kamakura period on, the Bakufu altered its trade arrangements from hiring designated Chinese contractors to entrusting capital to reliable Buddhist priests, who would be dispatched directly to China as importers of copper coins and other necessities of Chinese manufacture. The account alleging that Sanetomo dispatched these clerical merchants for the purpose of obtaining a tooth from the funeral ashes of Gautama Buddha of course embellishes upon this actual transformation that took place in trade policy.

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