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  • 齋藤 俊博
    マス・コミュニケーション研究
    2011年 78 巻 189-208
    発行日: 2011/01/31
    公開日: 2017/10/06
    ジャーナル フリー
    This study examined about the expression called "real public opinion" of China in the early 1930s. Specifically, I focus on the newspapers of abolition movement of civil war in 1932, the tone of magazine, controversy over public opinion in the study of journalism and expression of "real" about rule theory in Chinese Nationalist Party. After the Manchurian Incident, some Chinese papers searched the formation of the national government system and put the need for "real public opinion" supporting to them heavily. One of them searched for "real" of public opinion whether civil war with punitive expedition to Chinese Communist Party was right or wrong. The tone was involved in acceptance or refusal Chinese Communist Party. The close idea of the side of national government system was dominant. They were affected argument over the notion of public opinion itself in Chinese journalism systematized after 1920s and newspaper business imposed embodiment of public and commerce developed. On study of journalism, they were divided into two positions. One is "real" of public opinion lead the public. And the other is based on them. For the aims of newspaper business with large profits, they connected newspaper's character with decisive problem. On the other hand, actual politics aimed for national formation that starts the people's ability estimate low by one-party rule of Chinese Nationalist Party. In the beginning of the nation-state age, the interpretation of "real" cannot apply to public opinion but also such as citizen, popular will and constitutional government in the early 1930s. As a result, they asked for the core of unity into society and nation. And also "real public opinion" was subject to the movement of actual politics.
  • ―第二次大戦後の日本とドイツを比較して―
    髙島 亜紗子
    国際政治
    2017年 2017 巻 187 号 187_114-187_130
    発行日: 2017/03/25
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper examines how and when apology by a defeated state is made. In order to analyze the incentive of apology, this article sheds light on the difference between Japan and Germany after the World War II.

    2015 marked the 70th anniversary since the end of World War II. Many articles were written in Japan and abroad about how Japanese and German governments succeeded or failed in their efforts to reconcile with neighboring countries. Jennifer Lind (2008) analyzed that apologetic remembrance determines reconciliation, while Thomas U. Berger (2012) made it clear that “narrative” is the essence of apology. Both studies pointed to how a government and society narrate history of their own country as the determinant of reconciliation. However, these studies fell short of illuminating the incentive of apology.

    This article seeks to answer how apologetic narrative emerges from the point of view of international politics and leadership. First, international politics determines how reconciliation is needed for a country or not. For example, as the occupied countries, Japan and Germany had to be in a good relationship with occupying powers. Furthermore, during the cold war, it was very important to have close ties within capitalistic countries. In Europe, there was also a movement for European integration, so the incentive for reconciliation with France was enormous for Germany. The reconciliation with Israel was also needed, because the Nazi-crime for Jewish people was seen as “crimes against humanity” and was criticized internationally.

    Japan did not need reconciliation so much with China and Korea, which were divided into two countries after World War II. Both Chinese governments, Beijing and Taipei, wanted to be recognized as the “official” government of China, so it was not a good strategy for them to argue with Japan over the history problem. In addition, as South Korea was far behind North Korea economically, it also wanted Japanese investment first. So it is clear that international politics set the incentive to apologize.

    Second, even if the incentive for reconciliation exists, political leadership is also necessary, especially when the narratives of government and society are not the same. Willy Brandt was hardly criticized when he got down on his knees in front of the monument to the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising in 1970. Yet he did not change his and government’s narrative, and criticism disappeared over time. On the other hand, Japan-South Korea relationship serves as the model for the lack of leadership on the narrative of apology.

  • 「남아 방치사건」과 「개호 살인 / 동반자살 사건」 NEWS 보도를 둘러싸고
    이와모토 미치야, 김 현정
    日常と文化
    2016年 3 巻 259-295
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2023/12/30
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 「男児置き去り事件」と「介護殺人/心中事件」のNEWS報道をめぐって
    岩本 通弥
    日常と文化
    2016年 3 巻 63-98
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2023/12/30
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
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