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  • ―歴史家G・W・プランゲの叙述手法
    奥泉 栄三郎
    出版研究
    1999年 30 巻 115-136
    発行日: 2000/03/20
    公開日: 2020/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー

    This study examines the miraculous works of the late Dr. Gordon W. Prange regarding the Japanese Attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941 during World War II. However, in order to fully understand his way of writing and thinking, this study deals with his education, researches, military services as well as the Prange Collection.

    Prange's Tora! Tora! Tora! appeared in Reader's Digest magazine in a two part condensed format in October and November in 1963. The magazine subsequently published this in the form of a 64-page pamphlet under the same title in 1964. In 1966, an expanded Japanese deluxe edition (approximately 400 pages) of Tora! Tora! Tora! was published by the Reader's Digest of Japan Inc., but the English edition was not published until 1981. The title, sub-title, contents, and the other major bibliographical points had been changed significantly after his death in 1980.

    Eventually, a five-volume work, covering the political, economic and military background of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, was published with the editorial help of his students. His books then became the widely-known best seller. This study finds also that Prange's works break no new ground methodologically and conceptually. However, they offer admirably consistent and binational perspectives.

  • ―旧軍人団体の動向と行政機関の対応に注目して―
    白岩 伸也
    日本教育行政学会年報
    2019年 45 巻 86-102
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2020/10/02
    ジャーナル フリー

    After the Potsdam Declaration, measures were taken to transfer military educational institution graduates (hereafter referred to graduates) to secondary and higher educational institutions. Some of them were certified as their “educational background” of having graduated from middle school, but the Naval Aviator Preparatory Course Trainees of Otsu class (hereinafter referred to Otsuhi) were not given this certification. Then They petitioned the relevant ministries to certify their “educational background”. This was an important issue which affected their life courses in the post-war period, but it has not been investigated previously. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the fact concerning the movement of former military groups and the measures taken by administrative agencies, focusing on the problem of certifying the “educational background” of graduates, and to consider its historical significance.

    In the early 1950s, a system for certifying “educational background” was established. The Ministry of Education established the University Entrance Qualification Examination Regulation. In order to fill the gap between the former middle schools and the new junior high schools, it exempted the former middle school graduates and equivalent from some of the subjects for the University Entrance Qualification Examination. Such transitional measures concerning entrance qualifications for new universities played the role of certifying the students' “educational background”. In the same year, the National Personnel Authority decided on the Implementation Details such as the Starting Salary Promotion Rates, and Rates of Salary Increases. Based on the “educational background” of schools belonging the Ministry of Education, the National Personnel Authority connected it with the personnel system clearly. At that time, the treatment of officer training institute graduates was decided quickly, but decisions relating to other graduates were postponed. In the middle of the 1950s, when rearmament developed, the problem of certifying “educational background” was raised as an administrative issue by former military groups.

    Since the new junior high schools and the former middle schools were already considered to be equivalent, the increase in the numbers of graduates of the new junior high schools kindled the desire for certification of “educational background” of graduation from the former middle schools. The “educational background” petition movement by the group of Otsuhi developed with the desire for certification of “educational background” as the junior high school enrollment rate rose, and the Defense Agency officials supported this. The group negotiated with the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Education and the National Personnel Authority. Trying to bring former military educational institutions with the original purpose of training airman closer to schools belonging the Ministry of Education with a fundamentally different principle resulted in dilemmas everywhere. In response to the issue, makeshift measures were taken, and the “educational background” of Otsuhi was certified..

    By regarding “military background” as “educational background”, a unified “educational background” system centering on schools belonging to the Ministry of Education was reconstructed. Former Otsuhi were discriminated in the late 1940s and developed resentment of post-war Japan. It was treated as if the issue had been cleared up by certifying “educational background” in the early 1960s. As a result, the issue concerning Fallen Naval Aviator Preparatory Course Trainees (Yokaren-kuzure) was disregarded.

  • 参議院議員の政策活動
    石間 英雄, 建林 正彦
    選挙研究
    2020年 36 巻 1 号 35-48
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2023/11/16
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    参議院議員はどのような政策活動を行い,どのような利益を代表しているのであろうか? 日本の二院制には権限関係が対等であり選出方法が両院で異なるという特徴が存在し,両院を横断する形での政党組織の形成を促す。また選挙区定数などの選挙制度の違いは,衆参両院議員間の政策的関心の相違を生み出すであろう。この視点を踏まえ,本論文では自民党政務調査会内における参議院議員の政策活動を分析し,強い第二院の存在が戦後日本の政党政治を形づくってきたことを明らかにした。 具体的には,自民党政務調査会部会名簿をデータ化し,衆参両院議員の部会所属パターンを比較した。その結果,参議院議員は内閣部会や社会部会,地方行政部会などの部会に所属しがちであり,全国規模の利益団体や都道府県の利益といった衆議院議員とは異なる利益代表を行っていたことが示唆された。
  • 菅谷 幸浩
    憲法研究
    2021年 53 巻 97-
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/10/05
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 小室 裕充
    智山学報
    1977年 26 巻 93-108
    発行日: 1977/02/15
    公開日: 2017/08/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 坂本 孝治郎
    年報政治学
    1985年 36 巻 49-85
    発行日: 1986/03/28
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 第一次防衛大綱策定から第二次防衛大綱策定まで
    千々和 泰明
    国際政治
    2008年 2008 巻 154 号 154_62-154_78
    発行日: 2008/12/30
    公開日: 2011/01/26
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this research is to explore political dynamics of the ways of Japan's defense capability, asking why the “Concept of Basic Defense Capability” (kibanteki boeiryoku koso), which was introduced in the 1976 National Defense Planning Outline (boei taiko), has been maintained for over 30 years and how this concept has affected defense capability construction.
    The ways of defense capability can be typified as four genres. Type I recognizes the threat level as low and emphasizes the autonomy of Japan's defense capability. Type II also admits the importance of autonomy but does not consider the threat level as low. Type III and IV emphasize operability with forces of Japan's ally, the United States. Type III is distinguished from type IV based on the level threat recognition. In the preceding studies, the Concept of Basic Defense Capability was understood as a type I defense concept.
    In fact, the Concept of Basic Defense Capability has consisted of a number of diverse interpretations, so it can be explained by any of the above ways of defense capability. Around the period that the 1976 NDPO was developed, the Concept of Basic Defense Capability had type I-III interpretations. The vice minister of defense, Kubo Takuya, understood the Concept of Basic Defense Capability was a type I defense concept, but other defense bureaucrats interpreted the Concept of Basic Defense Capability as type II. Some Self-Defense Force officials downplayed low threat recognition and the autonomy of defense capability. In the new cold war era, some defense officials and politicians insisted on restoring the Concept of Necessary Defense Capability (shoyo boeiryoku koso) or modifying the schedule form (beppyo) in the NDPO. However, these counter-concepts against the Concept of Basic Defense Capability had been co-opted in these interpretations of the Concept of Basic Defense Capability, because it included two interpretations other than Kubo's opinion. When the 1995 NDPO was formulated after the cold war period, the interpretation of the Concept of Basic Defense Capability was expanded to type IV.
    In conclusion, the Concept of Basic Defense Capability has continued for over 30 years, co-opting its counter-concepts in itself, restoring the cracks among domestic groups, and permitting a consensus to be made over the ways of defense capability through its diverse interpretations.
  • 鈴木 多聞
    史学雑誌
    2004年 113 巻 11 号 1837-1865
    発行日: 2004/11/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    It was in February 1944 that then Prime Minister Tojo Hideki (also Minister of the Army) and Naval Minister Shimada Shigetaro were jointly appointed as Chiefs of Staff of the Army and Navy, respectively. Such a breach of tradition in separating the civil and military administration of the armed forces presented an opportunity for the veteran Naval officers who wanted a quick end to the War to publicly criticize Tojo, criticism that is thought to have been one cause of the Cabinet's downfall. The research to date argues that the joint appointments were made for two reasons : one to overcome opposition between civil ministers and the military chiefs of staff, the other to fight the peace movement being conducted by the naval officers. While it would not be surprising that the peace movement that would be begin in earnest the following year was already brewing, what is puzzling is why Shimada would receive the joint appointment when no opposition existed between his ministry and the naval supreme command. Did Tojo and Shimada really begin to feel the threat posed by the peacenik naval officers? Or could there be some other political reason besides the peace movement that the conventional research has overlooked? In this article, the author focuses on opposition that arose within both the naval ranks and the supreme command, looking at such issues as the conversion of the navy into an air force, unification of the military supreme commands and the supreme command system itself, in order to show that the joint appointments were made to form a system of army-navy cooperation within the supreme command and avoid a change of government. Traditionally, both the Army and the Navy had their own air forces, which were funded on an equal basis. The Army and Naval chiefs of staff both insisted on more emphasis being put on their respective air forces in realizing the slim possibility of winning the War. Since both sides were convinced that funding allocation rates would determine the outcome of the War, the supreme command could not come to a decision about the military strength of the two branches. This resource mobilization problem then began to reverberate within the government and developed into an issue threatening the continuation of the present cabinet. The Emperor, who had given Tojo his vote of confidence, began to hint about a change of government and thus was not able to reach a political compromise over the opposition between the Army and Navy over military strategy. Consequently, the upper ranks of the Army, which was aimed at defending the home front and veteran naval officers who aimed at reviving the War came to odds over where the war front should be positioned. It was this opposition that led directly to the downfall of the Tojo Cabinet.
  • 予科練の戦友会と地域婦人会に焦点を当てて
    清水 亮
    社会学評論
    2018年 69 巻 3 号 406-423
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/12/31
    ジャーナル フリー

    軍隊を経験した人々が戦後社会の形成にいかに関わっていたかは歴史社会学の重要な探求対象である. 本稿はその一端を戦友会の記念空間造成事業の担い手から考察する.

    事例として, 旧海軍航空兵養成学校予科練の戦友会の戦死者記念空間の造成過程を取り上げる. 予科練出身者は総じて若く, 社会的地位も高くなかったにもかかわらず, なぜ大規模な記念空間の造成を比較的早期に達成できたのか. 先行研究は, 集団が共有する負い目といった意識面から主に説明してきた. これに対して本稿は, 各担い手が大規模な事業を実現しうる資源や能力などの社会的な力を獲得していく, 戦前から戦後にかけての過程を, 特に軍隊経験に焦点を当てて探求する.

    事業を主導した乙種予科練の戦友会幹部は, 予科練出身者の独力のみならず, 軍学校時代に培われた年長世代の教官との人脈を起点としつつも, 軍隊出身者に限らない政財界関係者とのネットワークから支援を引き出していた. 戦友会集団の外部にあたる地域婦人会のリーダーは, 戦時中の軍学校支援の経験等を背景として, 造成事業において組織的な行動力と, 戦友会内部を統合する政治力を現地において発揮した.

    本稿は記念空間造成事業の大規模化の説明を通して, 負い目という意識の「持続」を重視する先行研究に対して, 軍学校や婦人会などの組織における軍隊経験を背景とした資源や能力の「蓄積」という説明図式をオルタナティヴとして提出した.

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