The Australian Government has repeatedly restructured its social policy since the 1980s, making welfare payments conditional and increasing work incentives. This welfare reform, influenced heavily by neoliberalism, has been legitimised by the problematisation of“ welfare dependency,” emphasising the obligations and the responsibilities of welfare recipients. The Howard Coalition Government in particular promoted an insistent neoliberal turn in social policies, asserting the importance of a social welfare system encouraging“ responsible behaviour.” In 2007, the Government introduced a measure called“ income management” or“ welfare quarantining” which linked welfare payments to the“ socially responsible behaviour” of parents. Income management was taken over by the Rudd-Gillard Labor Government, and eventually by the Abbott Coalition Government, and has been a prominent feature of welfare reform, indicating the importance of analysing income management in the context of welfare reform from the perspective of parenthood. This paper analyses the policy process of income management and the logic that has supported it to consider the issue of neoliberal welfare reform and social inclusion/exclusion. Income management, introduced by the Howard Government as a part of the Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER), was actually a scheme to advance welfare reforms based on the principle of“ mutual obligation” by urging parents to show responsibility for the care and education of their children. While supporting the NTER and echoing the Howard Government’s arguments on parental responsibility, the Rudd and Gillard Governments more obviously referred to income management as a significant welfare reform scheme and broadened its application. In that whole process, welfare dependency and its intergenerational cycle have been problematised, and individuals“ depending on welfare” have been referred to as“ bad parents” who behave“ against normal community standards.” Parenthood has been the core element of this welfare reform by connecting normative parental behaviour with provision of welfare payments and thus making parents subject to intervention. Furthermore, attributes such as Aboriginality, class, age and family type have had a close relationship with representation of welfare recipients as“ bad parents.” Whereas income management intends to encourage welfare recipients to achieve social inclusion, this very process excludes them from social citizenship by referring to vague norms of parenthood.

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This paper reconsiders the framework of the relationship between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples in the Northern Territory of Australia through a critical examination of anthropological studies about the problem drinking of indigenous peoples there. In the 1960's, discriminatory legislation against indigenous people in Australia began to be abolished. Thus, state legislation prohibiting alcohol consumption by indigenous people was also repealed. However, after 1970, the consumption of alcohol among indigenous people in the Northern Territory increased rapidly, and problems like alcohol-related crimes, violence, and abuse became extremely prevalent in parts of the area. In 2007, shocking news about the sexual abuse of aboriginal girls in an indigenous community led the Commonwealth to reinstate alcohol prohibitions in indigenous communities in the Northern Territory. Today, alcohol-related problems are still a topic of heated debate. Anthropological studies have been treating alcohol-related problems since the 1980's. Many of those studies took issue with the relationship between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples in the Northern Territory. I take those studies into account in examining how the relationship between those two peoples has been described. I demonstrate that the authors of the earlier studies pointed out positive aspects of the indigenous people's drinking, such as socialization. Those anthropological studies were criticized by researchers in the 1980's for not describing the negative aspects of that drinking. By that time, the indigenous people in the Northern Territory had themselves begun to speak out against problem drinking, which was partly what sparked further research interest. In 2007, the Commonwealth again intervened, as described above. Therefore, given the urgency of those situations, several researchers have chosen to address the topic by taking a broader view and demonstrating a hidden asymmetric relationship between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples, positing a connection between social changes in the Northern Territory and their drinking. Those papers have been accumulating gradually. Thus, the discussion on problem drinking has become firmly fixed within the framework for the relationship between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples. Those later studies have revealed a hidden colonialism in the Northern Territory, and have provided an important contribution to the discussion on problem drinking. However, few studies have focused on conflicts or negotiation among the indigenous people themselves, who may differ in their standards and opinions about drinking. Thus, any connection between the inner dynamic concerning drinking and those people remains ambiguous and unclear. Therefore, it is necessary to focus on the different opinions and attitudes toward drinking that exist among indigenous people, and, in light of the findings, to reconsider the existing framework of the relationships between indigenous and non-indigenous people in the Northern Territory.

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This study gives a thorough report and critical analysis on one of the most successful resident (or citizen) participation programs of India. The Bhagidari Programme was initiated by the government of Delhi State (formally “National Capital Territory of Delhi”) in 2000, with the slogan, “Citizen, Government Partnership”. This Programme has been recognized widely as a successful case, and it has indeed appealed to many Delhi state residents and tackled a lot of urban problems with its participative approach.

First, this paper gives a brief but thorough report of the program and points out the mechanism of its success. Second, this paper deals with the negative side of this program as well. The program has not been successful at including the poor section of the population. Moreover, since this program has successfully empowered the middle class population, it unintentionally ends up with exclusion of the poor. This distinguished program, with its big impact and social effects, gives a clue to the success of participation programs as well as warns of the difficulties with them.

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This article compares, contrasts, and examines the rights of citizens in the Northern Territory of Australia regarding euthanasia relative to the rights of Japanese citizens pertaining to euthanasia as detailed in the Japanese Courts. This article further explains the methods the Northern Territory attempted to educate its citizens on the newly granted rights related to euthanasia. Although Australia's Northern Territory Rights of the Terminally III Act lasted a relatively short time at nine months, its societal impact and controversy swept across the Australian sub - continent and, to a small extent, spilled into the issues driving the euthanasia debate in Japan. Even now with the repeal of the Act, the controversy over euthanasia is not concluded and still remains a central societal issue. During its short tenure, four terminal patients attempted to utilize the act to commit euthanasia legitimately. Immediately following the attempted practical use of the act by these four patients, the moral and legal legitimacy of the law was cast into dispute. Issues regarding the quality of life, definitions of life, and general religious mores were brought into sharp focus. New medical technology applied to these four patients and in general has further dramatically affected the debate over euthanasia. Old definitions regarding life and death are unwieldy, difficult, and sometimes improssible to apply while new definitions must be developed and grappled with within a framework of a legal, religious, and cultural viewpoint. With the extensive prolongation of life through medical advances, prolonged suffering has come to the fore as a major moral issue that cannot be ignored. Debated over the mental agony caused by a terminal illness and its role in determining acceptable standards for euthanasia may further spill into Japan. The Japanese debate over "mental agony" will, undoubtedly, be driven by its own unique cultural perspectives which may potentially lead to alternate results. In general euthanasia, is not acceptable by most for various moral and religious reasons. Althoush the right to terminate one's own life is largely borne by the individual patient, society weighs its final hand in the process. It is the opinion of this author that, in terms of a patient's dignity, it is important to respect the widhes of the individual directly affected by the pain, agony, expense and suffering involved in a terminal or severely debilitating condition. The patient is uniquely situated to make the determination to die. It is only the patient who can make the review of their own life experiences and the degree to which they can endure the invasive medical procedures which have extended the "dying process". The pain of living can be greater than the finality of death. As medical technology has dramatically changed the technical term of "living", society may need to adapt its social meaning of life and redevelop new ways of dealing with the final chapter of the living process.

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In Australia, literacy education has been emphasized particularly since the 1990's. Before then, literacy education had been implemented in the context of bilingual and ESL (English as a second language) education for indigenous peoples and immigrants. But the national survey for literacy in 1996 revealed that one third of Australian students didn't achieve the minimum standards of literacy. It is noteworthy that about 20% of indigenous students achieved the benchmark. These results led to a reconsideration of the basic skills of all Australian students. Accordingly the Commonwealth government took the initiative in policy-making for improving the standards of literacy. In the context of multicultural education, the Commonwealth and State governments have implemented a range of language programmes, including LOTE (Languages other than English) and indigenous languages. But after 1996, the English literacy program has overtaken other language programmes. It means that there is a limitation to the multilingual education system in this multicultural society which is based on English. It must be noted that English speakers and people with a NESB (non-English speaking Background) have different views of English literacy. Several articles have already been devoted to the study of language education policy in Australia. Most of them have positive conclusions on English as the vehicle for achieving social equity in a multicultural society. But different views of literacy for indigenous and NESB people have only been examined in a few articles. Therefore the main purpose of this paper is to reconsider literacy education from the dual viewpoints of the mainstream and minority people in Australia. Firstly, making clear the role and meaning of English literacy in Australia provides a starting point. According to the policy of multiculturalism, English as well as the democratic ethos are the essential foundations of Australia. It must be easier to accept these conditions for immigrants who are willing to come to Australia. For indigenous people, English is the important vehicle for schooling and obtaining a job. It is used for communication between indigenous people who speak different languages. One point of disagreement is over whether the range of English should include only standard Australian English or a broader English like aboriginal English. Secondly, by analyzing the literacy education policy and its implementation, this paper attempts to clarify the dilemma of teaching English literacy for NESB people. On the Commonwealth level, the benchmark setting is the fundamental factor for assessing the improvement of literacy. But it also contributes to reducing the range of English. On the state level, by examining the case of the NT (Northern Territory), it attempts to clarify the role of English in the education system. The NT government indicates English Literacy Is not only a subject but also a necessary skill for the student. Finally, this paper reaffirms that language tolerance is the fundamental factor in multicultural Australia. Both education providers and minority peoples must limit their linguistics demand. But these limitations for both, based on tolerance, form the foundation for constructing a multicultural society.

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