演者はかって、正倉院蔵の3頭のニホンザルが描かれた「羊木／象木臈纈屏風」（751～756年作製の樹下聖獣文）2点の図柄と、「古渡白地更紗大敷物」（売立目録？2448所収）の図柄は共通のペルシャ・サザン朝文様に由来するものと想定した。これを確かめるため、その祖形出自を西アジアから″シルクロード_″に残された石窟壁画の動物絵柄に求めていた。今回その方法として、中国研究者の労作『中国石窟』シリーズ全17巻（収録石窟は敦煌莫高窟／鞏県石窟寺／キジル石窟／クムトラ石窟／／麦積山石窟／竜門石窟／雲岡石窟／安西楡林窟であり、日本語版は平凡社より1980～1990年に刊行され、収録カラー図版は約2600枚である）に収められた壁画図版に、サル図像の検索を目的として全写真を精査した（掲載図版の選択は悉意的なものであることは承知のうえであるが）。その結果、(1) 新彊ウィグル自治区拝城県ギジル石窟群の14窟に34件51頭、(2) 同自治区庫車県のクムトラ石窟群の3窟に4件9頭、(3) 甘粛省敦煌県の莫高窟群の4窟に4件9頭、(4) 甘粛省永靖県群の1窟に1件3頭の、以上4地域にわたり合計22窟43件73頭の猿図像を抽出した（抄録執筆時点で）。73頭のサルの絵柄は多様であるが、その主題は本生話が中心柱窟や方形窟の主室、後室の側壁菱形区画に多く点描されている。掘鑿年代が4∼5世紀から11世紀にわたる窟に描かれたものが多数であった。これら検索されたサル絵柄を要約すると、(1) まず樹下聖獣文を示唆するペルシャ・サザン風の絵柄はみられなかった。正倉院文様はこのルートで直伝された文物文様であろうか。(2) サル絵柄（とくに本生話）の出現数は新彊地区のキジル・クムトラ石窟に頻出するが、東に行くにつれ減少する。これは石窟装飾形式の漢化によるものと思われる。(3) 絵柄となるサルは仏典本生話に記述される役柄が主なものである。(4) 本発表では、代表的な本生話に登上するサルの絵柄を紹介する。

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Epigaphical sources from the Northern Wei period reveal examples of the kingdom being referred to as "Dadal" 大代. During the Song period, Ou Yangxu 欧陽脩 pointed this fact out in his attempt to supplement the historiographical sources, but in the later research, no attempt was made to either list or analyze examples of the name "Dai," resulting in conflicting explanations : one that it is was a common usage, the other that is was not. The present article has gathered together and examined examples from both the historiography, including the Weishu 魏書, and the available epigraphical sources, resulting in the conclusion that even though the term "Dadai" can be found in the Suishu 随書, there is no example of the term in the Weishu (although Emperor Daowu 武道 did use the term Dawei 大魏 apparently). We do find the terms huandai 皇代 and youdai 有代. However, the former is not the name of a kingdom, but means "dynasty," while youdai was used for poetic purposes, leaving us with no concrete examples of their usage as names for the kingdom. On the other hand, Dadai appears frequently in the Northern Wei epigraphy, and from an analysis of four examples, the author concludes the following. With respect to form, examples appear on monuments and in epitaphs and Buddhist inscriptions. As to dating, the term was used beginning in the reign of Emperor Mingyuan 明元, increasing in frequency during Xiaowen's 孝文 reign, then continuing through the reign of Emperor Wen 文 of the Western Wei. Geographically, the examples are limited to the Northern Wei territory, mainly the caves of Yunkang 雲崗, Longmen 龍門 and Dunhuang 敦煌. The terms were used widely by high ranking imperial bureaucrats, Buddhist monks and commoners alike. The name Wei was established by Emperor Daowu as a diplomatic move to legitimize his kingdom vis-a-vis the Western Jin Dynasty. However, internally the term Dadai continued to be used, emphasizing its affiliation with the Dairen 代人, a group which had been formed as a means of integrating the people residing in the vicinity of Pingcheng 平城 during the transition from the Dai 代 Kingdom to the Northern Wei Dynasty.

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The colossal Buddhas are scarcely found in India proper, but in Central Asia and China. The images of colossal Buddhas are mostly Maitreya, although those of Sakyamuni and Vairocana also exist. Why were many colossal statues made as Maitreya? The Buddhist narrative texts about Maitreya describe that the Earthly Paradise would be realized when Maitreya will descend on the Earth, and on that ocasion the span of human life will be eighty thousand or eighty-four thousand years. According to the Buddhist texts of the Seven Buddhas of the Past, on the other hand, the human span had been eighty thousand years under the first Buddha of the Past, and became shorter and shorter, and has been reduced to one hundred years under Sakyamuni Buddha. So the appearence of Maitreya suggests a rebirth of the Paradise of the Past.
It is Buddhabhadra who transformed the descriptions of the span of human life into those of the visual height of the Buddhas. He studied the Buddhist meditations in Gandhara. The “Sutra on the Sea of Mystic Ecstasy Attained by Visualizing the Buddha” (T. vol. 15, p. 693) translated by him (A. D. 412-429) illustrates that the height of Kasyapa Buddha of the Past is 160 feet, that of Sakyamuni is 16 feet, and the future Buddha Maitreya is 160 feet tall again. This author considers that this idea was the first conception of colossal Maitreya. The “Grand Sutra on Maitreya's Becoming Buddha” (T. vol. 14, p. 429-430) translated by Kumarajiva, whom Buddhabhadra met in Ch'ang-an early in the fifth century, describes that the human being in the Maitreya's age is 160 feet in height and Maitreya himself is twice as tall as he, namely 320 feet. The “Sutra on Maitreya's Rebirth Here Below and Becoming Buddha” (T. vol. 14, p. 423-424) translated also by Kumarajiva exaggerates the height of Maitreya; one thousand feet. The colossal images of Maitreya have been considered as a symbol of this future Buddha's Golden Age.

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In the Northern Wei Dynasty, the center of construction of cave temples changed from Yunkang to Lungmen with the movement of the capital to Loyang in 494 A. D. The transformation between these two cave temples can be perceived not only in the style of sculptures but also in the form of the caves and the relationship between the statues and the worshippers. In particular, Pin-yang-chung-tung at Lungmen is epoch-making, because it established the environment for worship by standing face to face with the central statue of the main wall. In this article, I will try to grasp the basic objective for the creation of such an environment as Pin-yang-chung-tung, by considering the meaning of worship in this cave. In this cave, there are some motifs corresponding to the mention of the so-called Zenkuan sutras. From this clue, I hypothesized that this cave was planned, in one aspect, to incur some mental effect on the worshippers, like priests acquired in the practice of Zenkuan-especially Kuanfo Sanmei (ex. at Mai-chi-shan caves). There are many problems in this hypothesis, currently, so further study is needed, but I believe that the possibility of comprehending the characteristics of this cave as a place for worship could be revealed.

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This article considers the characteristics of Buddhism in China under the Nortern Dynasties, by collecting, classifying and analyzing over 2500 inscriptions on Buddhist statues built in this period. After these statues are classified into three categories -bronze statues, stone statues and cave sculpture- their chronological changes, regional distribution, image type and the social status of their founders are each analyzed in turn. In the period of the Northern Dynasties innumerable Buddhist statues of various sizes were built by emperors, noblemen and commoners. This boom originated in the Northern Wei dynasty which constructed the Yun-kang cave temples (while its capital was located at P'ing-ch'eng) and excavated the Lung-men cave temples (after it transfered its capital to Lo-yang). The imperial house took the lead in constructing these large cave temples. Such a practice spread due to its propagation by the Buddhist body, until the building and worship of stone statues gradually became popular, reaching their peak in the 6th century. The Sakyamuni-Buddha and Maitreya-Bodhisattva images were mostly made during the Northern Wei dynasty. Then the making of Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva images increased rapidly under the Eastern Wei and Northern Ch'i dynasties. In the contents of prayers the following three types of objects were noticeable : (1)a desire to enter heaven after death, (2)a desire to live under the Maitreya-Bodhisattva, and (3)a prayer for peace for the emperor and the state. The first shows that trans migrationism of Buddhism had a great influence on the Chinese outlook on life. People in the period of the Northern Southern Dynasties conceived of heaven (天) by uniting the idea of "Paradise" (浄土) in Buddhism with that of "Providence" (天) in the traditional thought of China. Also, they often used Taoist ideas of heaven. The second came from the belief that Maitreya-Bodhisattva, the Saviour, would appear to save the world sometime after the death of Sakyamuni-Buddha. After the middle of the 5th century the faith of Maitreya was widespread in Northern China. The third was a prayer for the "enperor's peace of mind" and the "protection of the state." This shows that Buddhism under the Northern Dynasties functioned as a ruling ideology of the state. It seems that those phenomena about Buddhist statues made in the period of the Northern Dynasties resulted from the following historical process. The Buddhist clergy and laity, which had been annihilated under the oppression (446-451 A.D.) by T'ai-wuti, were quickly reconstructed under the strict control of the state after his death. Compelled to depend upon the power of the state, the Buddhists constructed a cave temple at Yun-kang and made for the North ern Wei emperor great images of Sakyamuni and Maitreya which were modelled after him. Thus Buddhism came to play a role in adoration of him through its stress on Sakyamuni and Maitreya. The same is true of the Lung-men temple. Buddhists also dispatched many monks throughout the country, who organized lay religious groups at various places and encouraged them to build a statue and hold liturgical rituals by following the example of the construction of the Yun-kang and Lung-men cave temples. As a result images of Sakyamuni and Maitreya were numerous under the Northern Wei dynasty, and prayers "for the sake of the emperor" or "for the the sake of the state" were frequently found inscribed on them. After the Northern Wei divided into the Eastern and Western Wei, however, images of Sakyamuni and Maitreya which had been associated with the Northern Wei emperor decreased, and in their place people came to worship those of Avalokitesvara-Bodhisattva as wonder-working.

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