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  • 馬場 久幸
    印度學佛教學研究
    2009年 58 巻 1 号 159-163
    発行日: 2009/12/20
    公開日: 2017/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 李 光麟, 坪井 伸広, 車 洪均, 松本 武祝
    水利科学
    1985年 29 巻 3 号 119-136
    発行日: 1985/08/01
    公開日: 2020/01/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 吉田 敬市
    人文地理
    1952年 3 巻 5-6 号 181-196,A18
    発行日: 1952/01/15
    公開日: 2009/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Fishery and salt-making industry in the first period of the Li dynasty are described as a link in a chain of studies of the development of aquatic products industry in Korea.
    The investigation was made difficult by the lack of pertinent historical data. The first part of the present study is based on “Richo-jitsuroku.” “Seso-jitsuroku-chirishi” is the chief reference book for the latter part. “Togoku-yochi-shoron” is also referred to. It is hoped a somewhat concrete description of the subject is attained.
    Taxes on fishing grounds and salt-pits had been one of the main resources of the country from olden times. Also, fishery and salt-manufacture were two important industries from the military standpoint. Thereupon, these industries were promoted most vigorously from generation to generation, although it came to pass that the government and the potentates started to own privately fishing grounds and salt-works, with the result that the nation's finance was thrown into disorder and the people suffered from heavy taxes and hard labor imposed on them.
    Fishing method in the first period of the Li dynasty is represented by “Gyoryo, ” which means fishing in the fixed fishing grounds. Cod and Guchi were the fish caught.
    Salt-manufacture was conducted along the entire coast of Korea. The salt-manufacturing method was chiefly that of the dobon (pit) mode. Much efforts were made to promote saltmaking industry, e. g., letting the navy take charge of saltmanufacture, or monopolizing of the industry by the state. Yet, among salters and the government officials concerned there were many who indulged in corrupt practices, and it became necessary for the government to issue frequently edicts prohibiting illegal traffic of salt.
    There was little effect of these decrees, however, and with decreased revenue the financial condition of the state was eventually made precarious.
    In those days, when currency economy was not yet firmly established, salt was supplied to the people in exchange for rice or cloth. From this practice many difficult problems were to arose in later times, and by these difficulties the development of currency economy was to a great extent prevented.
  • 赤羽目 匡由
    史学雑誌
    2006年 115 巻 5 号 860-862
    発行日: 2006/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中西 章
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2001年 66 巻 546 号 269-274
    発行日: 2001/08/30
    公開日: 2017/02/04
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper is about the changes in construction work organization, "Do-Gam", during the Yi-Dynasty of Korea. The findings are as follows. At the ealy stage of the dynasty, the organization of construction work took over that of Koryo-Dynasty. It underwent some changes during the 15th and 16th century. Toward the second half of the dynasty it was greatly enlarged, mainly composed of bureaucats from the central government. But its scale was reduced after the middle of the 18th century.
  • 長森 美信
    史学雑誌
    2006年 115 巻 5 号 862-865
    発行日: 2006/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 李 燦雨
    体育学研究
    2012年 57 巻 2 号 501-513
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2012/12/05
    [早期公開] 公開日: 2012/07/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    This study investigated Korean traditional archery in the 18th century by reference to the Eosagopungcheop (records of the old custom of King's archery) of King Jeongjo, who was known for both literary and military accomplishments in the Joseon era. Through these records, we were able to obtain information on the types of archery, the variety of targets and arrows, the methods of scoring and recording, and the features of traditional archery. The findings were as follows:
    1.  The arrows employed were Yuyeopjeon (willow-leaf arrow), Soso (small arrow), and Cheoljeon (iron arrow). All of them featured in examinations for military officers.
    2.  In terms of quantity and frequency, the willow-leaf arrow was used most commonly.
    3.  The small arrow was considered the piece arrow, which was a weapon unique to Korea.
    4.  It became clear that the iron arrow, which was very heavy and thick, was used to break shields. It seems that this type of arrow was considered the most important for military officer examinations, because it played an important role in breaking down the enemy's defense in Korea, depending on the archery tactics.
    5.  The targets employed included cloth targets, leather targets and a variety of other types.
    6.  It was clarified that in terms of accuracy, targets were ranked in order of size. On the pierce leather target standard, the other targets appeared to be named ‘Fragment’, ‘Small’, ‘Palm’ in descending order of size.
    7.  Each type of arrow was paired with a specific target. The willow-leaf arrow was paired mainly with leather targets. The small arrow was paired with both leather and cloth targets, and the iron arrow was paired with shield or club targets.
    8.  According to the records, a practice session comprised basically 10 sequences, each involving the shooting of 5 arrows.
    9.  The scoring system differed depending on the type of target. For leather targets, the score was separated into two hit zones: the center and the surrounding area. However, the score was not separated in this way for cloth targets.
    10.  The willow-leaf arrow used on leather or club (cudgel) targets was the item to compete in accuracy. The small arrow, used mainly on cloth targets, was used in contests held on shooting ranges. The iron arrow, used mainly on shields or clubs as targets, was used for determining destructive power and accuracy.
    11.  The inscriptions in the records are divided as to whether the shooting sequence was single or multiple.
    12.  The records reveal that Korean traditional archery was still widely practiced at the end of the 18th century, when firearms had become common in all parts of the world.
  • 木村 拓
    史学雑誌
    2010年 119 巻 5 号 843-846
    発行日: 2010/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 木村 拓
    史学雑誌
    2007年 116 巻 12 号 1881-1912
    発行日: 2007/12/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    From the 15^<th> century on, the Korean Choson Dynasty used the monarch's personal royal seal inscribed with the phrase "governance through virtue" (為政以徳) on the documents it dispatched to Japan. Then in 1624, the monarch's official state seal, inscribed "seal of execution" (施命之宝) appeared replacing the former seal, thus marking a change from personal correspondence to official diplomatic notification. This change came about against the backdrop of the weakening of the Ming Dynasty's commonwealth protection of Korea and the latter's reorganization of foreign diplomacy in accordance with its direct mandate under "heaven" (天). Only a few decades previous, during Toyotomi Hideyoshi's attempted invasions of Korea (1592-98), the Koreans had relied heavily on Ming China to avoid Japanese demands; but beginning in 1620, China's inability to fend off the Jurchen kingdom of Aisin Gurun became all too clear, and in response, Choson Korea had no alternative but to seek friendly relations with Japan. It was in 1624 that Korea first informed Japan of its sovereignty under heaven (天の申命), without any details about the situation in China, and made official gestures of friendship as the master of its own diplomatic fate. Furthermore, despite the fact that the Korea remained in a tributary relationship with China, by its international pronouncement that it stood was responsible only to heaven in foreign policy decision making, the tributary relationship was relativized by the independent diplomatic stance towards Japan, symbolized by a conscious substitution of the Korean monarch's official seal of state for his personal one.
  • 植村 卷太郎
    日本畜産学会報
    1937年 10 巻 1-2 号 135-150
    発行日: 1937年
    公開日: 2008/03/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    以上研究調査したところを綜合すれば次の如く要約することを得。
    (1) 濟州島は有史前から馬が居たやうである。其後蒙古馬の血液を入れ,古くより官設牧場を設置して,所謂朝鮮の翼北と稱せられ,所要馬の大部を此地から補給した歴史ある馬産地である。其間自ら盛衰があつた。
    (2) 濟州島の地理的關係は地勢,氣候,土地,草木等何れも馬産に適し,農業状態は至つて粗放で,島中漢〓山を中心として楕圓環状の特有な土地利用帯を形成して居る。
    (3) 馬産の現況は,朝鮮總馬數の約40%,1平方k10.0頭といふ濃厚な密度を示して居るが,自然の儘の状態を續けて來た爲め質に於て矮小な島馬に過ぎない。
    (4) 濟州島馬の體形は東洋種型の比較的貴相に富み,後躯の發育不良,特有な島馬の形體をなし,蒙古馬とは稍々趣を異にして居る。よく石礫急坂
    の地を跋〓し,粗放の管理に耐え,性概ね温順であるが怯懦である。
    (5) 馬の體重は體高を顧慮し(胸幅+胸圍)×係數を以つて,馬格上有すべき體重の最小限を示し,之れにより榮養良否の境界とすることが出來るやうに思はれる。尠なくとも實驗の範圍内に於ける濟州島馬では(胸幅+胸圍)×1が應用し得られも。又輜重駄馬にありては,(胸幅+胸圍)×1.9が適當して居るやうである。
    擱筆に當り校閲を賜りたる増井先生に深厚なる謝意を表すると共に,研究上援助を與へられたる次の諸氏に感謝する。
  • —洗草の再検討—
    川西 裕也
    朝鮮学報
    2020年 256 巻 95-128
    発行日: 2020/12/26
    公開日: 2023/11/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 李朝時代前期仏画の諸相
    武田 和昭
    密教文化
    1989年 1989 巻 164 号 37-57
    発行日: 1989/02/01
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 李 光麟, 坪井 伸広, 車 洪均, 松本 武祝
    水利科学
    1985年 29 巻 4 号 121-134
    発行日: 1985/10/01
    公開日: 2020/01/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 押川 信久
    史学雑誌
    2011年 120 巻 5 号 877-879
    発行日: 2011/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 篠原 啓方
    史学雑誌
    2011年 120 巻 5 号 874-877
    発行日: 2011/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 琉球文化史への一寄与 (昭和五十四年五月十二日提出)
    服部 四郎
    日本學士院紀要
    1979年 36 巻 2 号 53-79
    発行日: 1979年
    公開日: 2007/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    It is a well-known fact that the following“sound law”(rule of phonetic correspondences) is found between the Kyoto-Tokyo dialect of Japanese and the Shuri dialect, which was the standard language of the former Ryukyuan Kingdom:
    Kyoto ki ke ka ko ku; gi ge ga go gu
    Shuri t_??_i ki ka ku ku; d_??_i gi ga gu gu
    On the other hand, several exceptions are found to this rule of correspondences, but all of them can be explained, so far as the author knows, in terms of comparative method principles.
    In this article, some exceptional phonetic correspondences found in Sino-Japanese words and signemes (morphemes) are explained as due to borrowing from Japanese into Ryukyuan. For example,
    Chinese characters and«meanings»Japanese old orthography and [the present pronunciation] Shuri forms Chinese pronunciation of the characters
    假病«feigned illness»kebyau [kebjo_??_] t_??_ibjo_??_ (chia3-ping4)
    系圖«pedigree»keidzu [ke_??_zu] t_??_i_??_dzi (his4-t_??_u2)
    見物«sightseeing»kembutsu [ke_??_zu] t_??_imbutsi (chien4-wu4)
    聖賢«sages»seiken [se_??_ken] _??_i_??_t_??_i_??_ sheng4-hsien2
    藝能«public entertainments»geinou [ge_??_no_??_] dzi_??_nu_??_ (I4-nêng2)
    玄関《vestibule》 genkwan [ge_??_ka_??_] d_??_i_??_kwa_??_ (hsüan2-kwan1)
    日限《time-limit》 nichigen [nit_??_ige_??_] nit_??_id_??_i_??_ (jih4-hsien4)
    As contrastively shown in the above table, these Shuri words are evidently loanwords from Japanese, not from Chinese. However, if we adhere to the “sound law”mentioned above, the expected Shuri forms should be [kibjo:, ki:dzi, kimbutsi, _??_i:kiη, giηnuη, giηkwaη, nit_??_igiη]. That is to say that these Sino-Japanese words make exceptional correspondences, which are very difficult to explain.
    As the result of his researches to linguistically compare Japanese and Ryukyuan dialects, the author had come to a hypothesis, to the effect that the Shuri dialect has passed at least the following three stages of development:
    the A period *ki *ke *ka *ko *ku; *gi *ge *ga…
    the B period *ki *kii *ka *ku *ku; *gi *gii *ga…
    the C period t_??_i ki ka ku ku; d_??_i gi ga…
    (including the present)
    If the above Sino-Japanese words would have been borrowed in the period A or C from Japanese, the present forms of Shuri would have had [ki] and [gi] instead of [t_??_i] and [d_??_i]. Accordingly, the only possibility is that they were borrowed in the B period from the western Japanese dialects, where [k] in [ke] must have been palatalized to some extent, as it is so nowadays. The ears of the contemporary speakers of Ryukyuan must have been very keen to hear the feature of palatalization in [k], which discriminated [ki] from [kii], so that the Japanese [ke] sounded to the Ryukyuan ears as [ki] rather than [kii].
    Studying the Yu-yin Fan-i 語音翻譯 (1501), the author has revealed that this document represents exactly the B stage of Ryukyuan, and conducting researches into various contemporary and later documents, he comes to the opinion that the B period probably lasted from around 1400 until the late 16th century. He supposes that a number of Japanese high priests who came to stay in Shuri around 1500 and taught the Ryukyuans in Buddhism, Japanese and Chinese classics apparently caused the borrowing of those Sino-Japanese words and signemes (morphemes), which are fairly numerous and firmly established in the present Shuri dialect.
  • 金 載昊
    社会経済史学
    2000年 66 巻 2 号 127-147,248
    発行日: 2000/07/25
    公開日: 2017/08/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    This is a comparative study of the important problems posed by the imperial finances in Korea and Japan during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when both states were trying to form a modern financial system, in other words, a 'tax state'. Both had to overcome the 'doctrine of imperial land' (the notion that all lands in the country belong to the sovereign). Korea applied the doctrine of imperial ownership of all land up to the time of the last land survey, never developing doctrines and institutions to justify levying taxes on citizens once their rights to land ownership had been recognised. Japan, however, severed the relation between the king's sovereign power over land and the right to ownership of that land. The doctrine of imperial land' was replaced by the principle that taxes were the expenses paid by the members of the national community for the upkeep of the community. In this regard, it can be said that the concept of taxation in the Japanese Imperial Constitution had advanced one step further than the sovereign's tax of Korea. Even so, the Japanese system failed to establish the reciprocal right of citizens to agree to the levying of taxes.
  • 李 光麟, 坪井 伸広, 車 洪均, 松本 武祝
    水利科学
    1986年 29 巻 6 号 90-106
    発行日: 1986/02/01
    公開日: 2020/01/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 韓 瑩
    映像学
    2023年 110 巻 19-37
    発行日: 2023/08/25
    公開日: 2023/09/25
    ジャーナル フリー

    韓国映画『赤いマフラー』(申相玉、1964年)は1964年第11回アジア映画祭で監督賞、編集賞、主演男優賞を受賞し、ほぼアジア全域で大ヒットを飛ばした。本稿は、この現象に焦点を当てながら、トランスナショナルな視点から『赤いマフラー』の創出のあり方と海外進出のありようを明らかにすることを目的とする。第1節では、監督である申相玉のフィルモグラフィーとアジア映画祭における相互交渉を見ることにより、本作が、申相玉のそれまでの作品の特徴を生かしつつ、アジア映画祭で形成したネットワークを積極的に利用した成果であったことを明らかにする。第2節では、映像分析を行い、とくに視点、物語の構造および西洋的な空間の再創造に焦点を当て、本作が戦争スペクタクルを構築するさまを考察する。第3節では、アジア地域での流通と受容を検討した上で、本作の成功の理由が、映画技術だけでなく、人情味や愛という要素を映画に入れることで、戦争映画というジャンルに新しい風を吹き込んだ点にあったことを解明する。また、本作に反映された韓国の現実と反共主義の価値観に対するアジア地域の認識の違いが、「自由アジア」の亀裂を示唆していることを論じる。以上の考察を踏まえ、韓国映画の構築における、ナショナル・シネマとしての韓国映画という枠組みに包摂されないトランスナショナルな要素の重要性と、それを論じる際の注意点を指摘する。

  • 孫 旻愷, 藤井 英二郎
    日本庭園学会誌
    2015年 2015 巻 29 号 29_49-29_57
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2018/10/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    瀟灑園は韓国の朝鮮時代に造られた庭園である。2004年に史跡40号に指定された。園主の梁山甫は1519年に政治闘争に巻き込まれ、故郷に帰り1928年に瀟灑園を造営し始めた。1548年に完成したとされている。400年の歴史の中で、園主の息子は庭園内に建物を増築したが、1598年に庭園が兵隊に破壊され、1614年に孫に修復された。現在の庭園構成は造営当初と異なっている。
    本研究は現地調査を元に、瀟灑園関連の絵画、詩歌、文章とともに造営当初の庭園構成を推測した。また、関連する文献から読み取った意味を推測した庭園構成と合わせて分析した。これらの作業によって瀟灑園の造営意図を解析した。結果として、瀟灑園は政治・儒学、隠棲、桃源郷、仙境の4つの空間から構成されていたことが明かになった。
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