詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する: 検索条件を変更
クエリ検索: "田村秀治"
15件中 1-15の結果を表示しています
  • 後藤 晃
    オリエント
    1977年 20 巻 1 号 61-62
    発行日: 1977/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中東 その政治的諸問題
    塙 治夫
    国際政治
    1969年 1969 巻 40 号 73-94
    発行日: 1970/03/15
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小川 一文, 田村 秀治
    テレビジョン学会誌
    1988年 42 巻 1 号 56-62_1
    発行日: 1988/01/20
    公開日: 2011/03/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    ハーフミクロン・ポトリソグラフィ実現のため, エキシマレーザ露光およびX線露光によりLB膜の評価を行った.評価した材料は, エキシマ用としてジアセチレン誘導体3種 (トリコサジイノイック酸 : TDA, ペンタコサジイノイック酸 : PDA, ヘプタコサジイノイック酸 : HDA) とオクタデジノレアクリル酸 : ODA, ω-トリコシイノイック酸 : TCAの5種類, X線用としてTCA, TSA, ADAの各3種類である.エキシマ露光ではPDAを用いて0.3μmパターン, X線露光ではTCAを用いて0.4μmパターンがそれぞれ形成された.エキシマレーザ露光の0.3μmは, 我々の使用したレンズの解像限界であり, X線露光の0.4μmは, 我々の入手したマスクの最小寸法である.なお, 実際にLB膜をレジストとして適用していくためには, 今後LB膜の製造能率を向上する必要がある.
  • 田村 秀治, 小川 一文, 上田 久美
    テレビジョン学会技術報告
    1987年 11 巻 4 号 13-18
    発行日: 1987年
    公開日: 2017/10/06
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 黒川 湛, 砂田 厚一
    テレビジョン学会誌
    1987年 41 巻 12 号 1147-1152
    発行日: 1987/12/20
    公開日: 2011/08/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―アラブ諸国と米国の狭間で―
    池上 萬奈
    国際政治
    2014年 2014 巻 177 号 177_142-177_155
    発行日: 2014/10/30
    公開日: 2015/11/13
    ジャーナル フリー
    The First Oil Crisis started as a result of the six Persian Gulf members of OPEC announcing a raise in the posted price of crude oil on October 16, 1973 and OAPEC deciding to reduce oil production by 5% per month on the following day, touched off by the breakout of the Yom Kippur War. Japan was faced with an unprecedented dilemma between the Arab countries, who strongly demanded Japan to condemn Israel, and the United States who pressed Japan to align with their Middle East policy based on diplomatic relations with Israel. When the Arabs announced a 25% cut of oil supply on November 4, the European countries, similarly to Japan, who were scarce on resources, immediately criticized Israel, and declared support for the Arabs. However, the Japanese government was hesitant to criticize Israel. And the Arab countries pressed to intensify oil supply reduction unless Japan announced to break off diplomatic relations with Israel in the case Israel would not obey the UN Security Council Resolution 242. On the other hand, U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger restrained Japan by stating that condemning Israel would hinder Middle East peace talks with the United States and that cooperative relations with the U.S. would be profitable for Japan from a long-term view. On November 18, the Arab countries announced that they would release the European countries, excluding Holland, from the weighted oil supply reduction measure of 5% from the benchmark set on December, because the European countries had criticized Israel. As a result, the criticism of the weakness of the Japanese diplomacy in attaining resources made the headlines of the Japanese newspapers.
    How was the Japanese government to escape such dilemma?
    The Japanese government finally criticized Israel by name and made its pro-Arab positioning clear in the statement made by Chief Cabinet Secretary Nikaido on November 22. Further on December 10, Deputy Prime Minister Takeo Miki, as special envoy, left for eight Middle Eastern countries to offer economic and technical aid. At first glance, the Japanese government took a pro-Arab policy without accepting the warning of the Unites States. This document, however, will empirically clarify that the U.S.-Japan friction related to Japanese Middle East policy was resolved before November 22 in the midst of the development of multilateral diplomacy for the “Kissinger Plan”, a unified framework among Japan, the U.S. and the European countries, and that the Japanese diplomacy during the First Oil Crisis achieved to broaden the permissible scope of the United States.
  • 小杉 麻李亜
    東南アジア研究
    2005年 43 巻 1 号 99-102
    発行日: 2005/06/30
    公開日: 2017/10/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 吉原 久仁夫
    東南アジア研究
    2005年 43 巻 1 号 98-99
    発行日: 2005/06/30
    公開日: 2017/10/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本外交の非正式チャンネル
    西原 正
    国際政治
    1983年 1983 巻 75 号 1-11,L5
    発行日: 1983/10/20
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This issue represents an academic attempt to shed light on the functions of those who work “behind the scenes” in diplomatic negotiations or what is termed here as “informal contact-makers.” Known by various names such as emissaries, secret envoys, secret agents, fixers, intermediaries, diplomatic brokers and back-channel contacts, these informal contac-makers often play significant roles in state-to-state negotiations, particularly when the parties involved are in tense conflict over issues such as war, territory, trade and the like, but are interested in establishing contacts with each other. Informal contact-makers, in such cases, can often play a more effective role than can formal contact-makers who, because of official credentials, find it difficult to compromise in officially-announced conferences.
    The functions of contact-makers are viewed in terms of two dimensions: whether their acts of contacting are under “official” sanction or not (“unofficial”) and whether their contacts are pre-announced to the public or not. The combination of the two dimensions will produce four types of contact-makers: (1) those who have official credentials and meet for pre-announced meetings (although the contents of the proceedings may well be kept secret); and (2) those who have official credentials but meet for unannounced, i. e., secret meetings; (3) those who have no official credentials but meet for pre-announced meetings; and (4) those who have no official credentials and meet for secret contacts.
    The first type, i. e., official=pre-announced contact-makers are also called “formal contact-makers” such as those attending binational top-level meetings. The second type, i. e., “official=unannounced contact-makers, ” refers to emissaries sent by the authorities and the like. The third type, i. e., “unofficial=unannounced contact-makers” are related to self-appointed emissaries, so to speak. The fourth type may be termed “unofficial=pre-announced contact-makers” such as political and business leaders contacting the other party voluntarily. The last three types are together classified as “informal contact-makers.”
    The functions and types of informal contact-makers appear to be affected by various factors including the nature of diplomatic issues, the nature of relations between the governments concerned, the geographical distance between the governments concerned, and the political culture supportive of the role of informal contact-akers. Eight articles, selected here to provide case studies of prewar and postwar Japanese diplomatic negotiations, generally follow this conceptual framework. They suggest that Asian political cultures such as those of China, Korea, the Philippines as well as Japan are more conducive to informal contact-makers than are Western cultures. In Western societies as well, however, a network of personal ties among influentials sometimes plays a significant role.
  • 清水 芳見
    民族學研究
    1985年 50 巻 3 号 333-341
    発行日: 1985/12/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中東:1970年代の政治変動
    岡倉 徹志
    国際政治
    1983年 1983 巻 73 号 28-43,L8
    発行日: 1983/05/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to present a brief account of the political changes in Syria since the Baa'th first came into power in 1963 and the development of inner-politics from the beginning period of the Baa'th regime to the present. It is also designed to offer an interpretation of these developments to help explain the kaleidoscopic character of the changing relationships among power-centers.
    In particular, this paper attempts to elucidate the following points: Firstly, in a major intra-party split that took place in February 1966, the moderate wing of the Baa'th party was purged by radicals; this political coup signaled the party's further turn to the Left in policy. These changes only further alienated conservative and pious Islamic opinion. However, the regime's mounting clashes with the West and Israel have temporarily disoriented Muslim opinion.
    Secondly, after General Hafiz al Asad's rise to power in 1971, the question arises as to how he managed to revise Syria's domestic and foreign policies. By late 1976, however, the regime's policies were faltering and domestic grievances were accumulating; relations between the Baa'th and urban centers of opposition again began to sour, a disaffection that gradually built up into the anti-regime explosions of 1970-80.
    The regime's intervention in Lebanon—in paticular, its drive against the Palestinians and the Sunni Left—required it to suppress domestic opposition, thus weakening its own support base, and antagonizing segments of Sunni opinion, which viewed it as an Alawite suppression of Sunnis in favor of Christians. Most dangerous of all, the intervention seriously exacerbated sectarian cleavages in the army. By the late 1970s, the regime's foreign policy increasingly appeared to have reached a dead end.
    Finally, the political Islam, the main alternative. to the Baa'th, is now trying to undermine the regime led by the Alawites. If a realignment of political forces, pitting the whole Sunni community on the basis of sectarian solidarity, in alliance with all other disaffected elements, against the numerically much inferior Alawites entrenched in the regime can be attained, the Syrian political scene will change completely its impact affecting the politics of the Fertile Crescent. But this would require breaking the cross-sectarian coalition at the center of the Baa'th state; destroying military discipline and party solidarity; and detaching the peasant, worker, and employee elements at the Baa'th base.
  • 史学雑誌
    1976年 85 巻 10 号 1467-1488
    発行日: 1976/10/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 塩尻 宏
    日本中東学会年報
    1991年 6 巻 129-146
    発行日: 1991/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 川村 光郎
    日本中東学会年報
    1987年 2 巻 409-439
    発行日: 1987/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    Islamic or Middle Eastern studies in Japan started in the latter half of the 1930's, and developed rapidly along with the expansion of Japan's militarism to Asian countries. In other words, it was a pressing national necessity to gather more knowledge of Islam and information about what was happening in Islamic regions of Asia. Unfortunately, Islamic studies of pre-war Japan seem to gain but a little attention from scholars of both Middle East and Japanese history. Some explain the reason for this by close contacts of the Islamic studies of those days with militarism, and others say that there left only a few original works to evaluate. It may be true, indeed, in several points, but I cannot agree to such assertion as "Islamic or Middle Eastern studies before and during the Pacific War were no more than a part of studies serving the purpose of Japan's expansion to the Continent or of pacification maneuvering toward the Muslims in China and Southeast Asia". In this article, I tried to sketch the scene of Islamic studies in the 1930's by tracing the course of several research institutes. In February of 1932, the ISURAMU BUNKA KENKYUSHO (Institute of Islamic Culture) was formed as the first group of Islamic studies by IIDA Tadasumi, NAITO Tomo-hide, OKUBO Koji and KOBAYASHI Hajime. They published a journal "ISURAMU BUNKA (Islamic Culture)" in November but it ceased with the No.1 issue only. This institute may be briefly characterized as a pure academic group. The "Muslim Question" had to be urgently solved for the Japanese militarists and capitalists who were watching for a chance to advance to the North-western part of China then to the South after the founding of Manchoukuo in 1932. Under this circumstance, the ISURAMU BUNKA KENKYUSHO shortly split up into two groups: One was the ISURAMU GAKKAI (Islamic Academy) established in 1935 by OKUBO Koji, KOBAYASHI Hajime, MATSUDA Hisao, et al, and the other was the ISURAMU BUNKA KYOKAI (Association of Islamic Culture) founded in 1937, the directors' board of which was composed of ENDO Ryusaku, Home Ministry, SOSA Tanetsugu, Navy Ministry, KASAMA Akio, Foreign Ministry, and NAITO Tomohide. This Association published a journal entitled "ISURAMU-KAIKYO BUNKA (Islam-Islamic Culture)" from No.1 to No.6 (October 1937 to January 1939) until it was affiliated in February 1939 by the DAI-NIHON KAIKYO KYOKAI (Great Japan Association of Islam) established in September 1938 with General HAYASHI Senjuro, ex-Prime Minister, as president. In March 1938, OKUBO Koji who obtained the financial support from the Prince TOKUGAWA Iemasa established the KAIKYOKEN KENKYUSHO (Institute of Islamic World) together with KOBAYASHI Hajime and MATSUDA Hisao. It came soon under the financial control of the ZENRIN KYOKAI (Association of Good Neighborhood). In May of this year, the Research Department of Foreign Ministry began to publish a quarterly magazine "KAIKYO JIJO (Islamic Affairs)" to give accurate information on Islamic affairs which lasted until December 1941, and a mosque was constructed in Tokyo by large donations from the ZAIBATSU. It was a demonstration to the Muslim people in the world to show the national understanding of Islam. In August, the TOA KEIZAI CHOSAKYOKU (East Asian Economic Research Bureau of the South Manchurian Railway) headed by OKAWA Shumei launched its monthly magazine "SHIN AJIA (New Asia)" by which they showed the subject of their researches was not limited to East Asia. In September, TOA KENKYUSHO (Institute of East Asia) was established as a research organ of the Cabinet Planning Board "to make all-round researches of culture and nature of East Asia in order to contribute to the overseas expansion of the Imperial Japan". In this way, Islamic and Middle Eastern studies in Japan flourished in the latter half of the 1930's in response

    (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

  • 浦野 起央, 柴 宜弘, 亀井 紘, 柳沢 英二郎, 有賀 貞, 加茂 雄三
    国際政治
    1979年 1979 巻 61-62 号 160-211,L5
    発行日: 1979/05/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This Part contains six papers by ten writers which trace the development of area studies in post-war Japan: East Asia, South-East Asia, the Middle East and Africa, the USSR and Eastern Europe, Western Europe, and the Americas. With Japan's economic and political comeback to the world scene during the after the post-war reconstruction for ten years, area studies began to make progress in this country to reach a new stage some ten years later. The strong influence of the past overseas trends in this field of study, especially of the orthodox Marxism and the American approach, started waning, while Japanese researchers came to find their own methods of study and produce many dependable works. According to some contributors to this Part, a new generation of area studies researchers, who have a good command of the languages of the areas to study, have published a number of excellent works. Today researches in this field in Japan are beginning to take on an original character based on the new research methods and produce works which on the whole are creative. But the current disciplinary situation is not free from shortcomings or unbalance. There remains a need for more systematic or organizational researches.
feedback
Top