従来、西晋末の永嘉の乱については、五胡十六国史・北魏前史の観点から研究が進められてきたが、五胡諸族の主体的な発言・行動に注目した研究が多く、当時彼らと戦っていた晋朝系勢力との角逐を踏まえ、彼らの行動を相対的に把握するという視点に乏しかった。本稿では、五胡と晋朝系勢力の相克の過程を、厳密な編年と史料批判により復元し、永嘉の乱の実像を解明することを目指した。
西晋と戦った劉淵・らは、乱の初期においては晋朝系勢力に圧倒されており、とりわけ西晋の并州刺史劉琨は、南方の劉淵（漢）を終始圧迫し続けていた。劉淵は劉琨の圧力に押される形で南方への進出（遷都）を行わなければならなくなったが、それを継続すればいずれ西晋の首都洛陽にぶつかることが避けられなくなった際に、漢の皇帝を自称し、西晋打倒の姿勢を最終的に明確化し、洛陽に進攻した。しかし折から洛陽に帰還した東海王越に撃破され、劉淵は死去してしまい、西晋側はこれが契機となって劉琨―東海王越による対漢挟撃戦略がはからずも形成される。以後の漢はこの挟撃戦略の克服が課題となったが、このときより晋朝系勢力の東海王越からの離反などの動揺が続き、また東海王越の洛陽からの出鎮・死去など、洛陽からの戦力流出が続出したため、挟撃戦略は弱体化し、永嘉5年（311年）に漢の攻撃により、洛陽が陥落した。北方の劉琨も漢の攻撃により撃破され、挟撃戦略は破綻することとなった。
以上の経緯から、永嘉の乱は必ずしも劉淵ら胡族の主体的な戦略や、西晋に対する一貫した優位により進んだのではなく、自勢力内外の軍事的・政治的環境に左右された結果であったことが判明した。

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In this paper I studied the seat-orders in the records of ancient China and then thought about the meaning of the emperor's facing west. Finally I came to a conclusion as follows. 1.The seat facing south or north between the sovereign and his subject (in this occasion the sovereign usually takes north seats) is a symbol of absolute relation of domination-obedience. No one but the sovereign can hardly take a seat facing south. Therefore, when the someone takes a seat facing south, it means that there is a relation of the ruler and the ruled among the present company at the meeting. 2.At the private meeting, there exists fundamentally different seat-order, that is, facing east and west. The meaning is clearly different from the above one. This occurs between host and guest, among families or teacher and pupil. The seats facing west are for hosts, the youngers, and pupils, who are inferior in the company. Then, the seats facing east are for guests, the olders and teachers, who stand higher. In the case of taking all-side seats, the order stands from facing east, south, north, and west. 3.Through understanding the difference between facing south or north and facing east or west, I thought over the emperor's power during and after the Han dynasty. Thus, I could find that the emperor, who is thought to give priority to the relation of domination-obedience in every respect, in fact, did not always take the seat facing south. When he was with the empress dowager 皇太后, the Supreme Lords 上公 (the grand tutor 太師・the senior tutor 太傅・the junior tutor 太保), the San-lao 三老 or the Wu-keng 五更 (titles given to elders who were honored by the emperor), he did not seat facing south. i)The empress dowager was never treated as a subject, not only at a private meeting but also at an official meeting (at least in 'Lin-chao-cheng-chih' 「臨朝称制」), and she could meet the emperor, sitting facing east. ii)The Supreme Lords, the council of the emperor, were in the post of Pu-chen-chin-li 不臣之礼 in the Later Han Dynasty. iii)The San-lao and the Wu-keng were treated with respect, given seats facing east or south, for the emperor had to teach people the order of the young and the old by Yang-lao-li 養老礼. When there was a strong relation of teacher and pupil, the San-Lao took a seat facing south, while the emperor took a seat facing north as a pupil. In this way, while the emperor was ruling he took a seat facing south as a symbol of power, and when he treated some subjects with respect, he took a lower-rank seat for himself. So, in such a case there was no domination-obedience relation between the emperor and his subjects. In other words, it is understood that the emperor recognized them as 'not subject' 「不臣」. The supreme Lords, the San-lao, and the Wu-keng were not the rank which threatened the emperor's position, but by making such a system, the dynasty seems to have dealt successfully with both domestic and foreign policy without falling into logical dilemma, which happened in following crises ; the change of dynasties, the invasion of different neighbour races and so on.

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During the period of 493-534AD, the Buddhist architecture of temples changed with the practice of donating personal homes to become temples. Though the owners were motivated to do this under different reasons, the distinctive point, architecturally, is that the newly donated homes were left unchanged and became the accepted Buddhist Architecture. No architectural changes were to the buildings. In studying the practices, before this time-Northern Wei it is found that when a home was donated, they built new using Buddhist Architecture.

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Eight samples with different colors, textures, etc., were selected according to the depth in the soil profile at Mt. Katasone, Fukushima Prefecture. The minerals in the fine sand fraction in these samples were quantitatively investigated. By summarizing the distribution of the minerals in the fine sand fraction, the process of the formation of the soil profile is concluded as fallows. The fact that the xenomorphic quartz, biotite and hornblende are found in large amounts at Nos. 9,8 and 7 indicates that the materials of these layers are derived from granodiorite rock. From bipyramidal quartz, pumice, volcanic glass, hypersthene and augite at Nos. 6,5,4,3 and 2,it is proved that a part of the parent materials of the soil of these layers is composed of dasitic ash. In spite of remarkable decrease of biotite at the parts apper from No. 6,hornblende relatively increases, and some soft weathered fragments of hornblende gabbro are abundant at the coarse sands of Nos. 6,5,4,3 and 2. These prove that the materials derived from hornblende gabbro are mixed at the parts upper than No. 6 with dasitic ash. Moreover the existence of andesine with An 45%, the increase of hypersthene, augite and flack opaque minerals at Nos. 3 and 2,and abundance of pumice in these coarse sands undoubtedly shown the addition of the ash of pyroxene andesite to these layers. In brief, the weathering products of granodiorite are covered by those of hornblende gabbro mixed with ash of dacite, and further by the mixture of hornblende gabbro and ashes of both dacite and pyroxene andesite.

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What kind of title a ruler (monarch) took is an important matter to show the characrer of a given state. The fact that the Ritsuryo-state of Japan in eighth century was based on the Chinese constitutional system and that the monarch at that time took a special title 'Tenno' (天皇, lit. ten=heaven, no=empror) should be remarked. By means of the inscription on the iron sword which was discovered recently in Sakitama-Inariyama, an old mound, we see that a monarch of Japan in fifth and sixth century was called 'Daio' 大王. The change from 'Daio' to 'Tenno' was made after seventh century according to the international negotiation with China. Therefore it seems to be sure that the name of 'Tenno' came from Chinese term. If it is true, from which Tenno of China Japanese governor took its name? And for what did he adopt the title 'Tenno'? To answer these questions, I tried to consider the thought background of the motive in this paper. Among the past studies on Tenno, Sokichi Tsuda's paper 'Tenno-ko' is a representative one. In this paper, he told that 'Tenno' had two meanings : one is the Divine Being from a point of astrological view, the other a fictitious character's name as an emperor from a view point of superhuman being with divine power. Each meaning is mainly based on the religious concept implying a metaphorical meaning of a monarch. There is a recent opinion, by Shigeru Watanabe and Haruyuki Tono, that Japanese usage is bound to that of 'T'ien-huang' 天皇 and 'T'ien-hou' 天后 used in the reign of Kao-tuung 高宗 in T'ang. There is also Yukihisa Yamao's opinion that a title of 'Tenno' which unified separated functions of T'ien-tzu 天子 and Huang-ti, 皇帝 was newly created in the reign of Tenji, but I cannot follow him. I make much of the siginificance of the establishment of 'Tenno' as a title of a monarch, but I cannot follow the view that a title of 'T'ien-huang' in the reign of Kao-tsung brought forth its adoption in Japan directly. Because T'ien-huang in the reign of Kao-tsung did not mean to strengthen the right of the monarch at all, but, on the contrary, to rationalize the direct imperial rule of Tse-t'ien-wu-hou 則天武后. And it may be said that a title of a monarch which was based on Huang 皇 as well as Tenno did not exist at all in China befofe T'ang. For example, T'ai-shang-huang 太上皇 was a dignified title for the monarch after his abdication or demise. In An-p'ing-hsien-wang Fu ch'uan 安平獻王誤孚伝 (Chin shu 晋書) 'T'ien-huang, T'ien-huang-chih-hou' 天皇・天皇之后 was used with a meaning of a dignified title for the past monarch. So I suppose that 'Tenno' at first had no clear meaning of a title of a monarch when the name came into Japan. Therefore I do not think the oldest date when the name was imported to Japan is bound to the first year of the Shang-yuan 上元 (674 A.D.) in the reign of Kao-tsung. In Suiko period when the first direct connection with Chinese title of a monach was made, the monarch called himself 'Tenshi (T'ien-tzu)' 天子 contrasting with a title 'Huang-ti' 皇帝 of China. This shows that Japanese side at that time accurately understood the title of a monarch of China. Taking these facts into consideration, I infer as follows : Till the end of seventh century a present ruler was called 'Tenshi 天子 '(Kotei 皇帝) as well as 'Daio' which was still used among the nation, and the past monarchs were called 'Tenno'. The name of 'Tenshi' means a very name of Chinese monarch, and at the same time, among the nations of Northeast Asia including the Japanese, the name means Ame-tarashi-hiko 阿毎多利思比弧 (Sui-shu 隋書), a noble man from the Heaven. While 'Tenno' in contrast with 'Tenshi', must be

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The main regions of sericulture and thus silk production, in the T'ang 唐 dynasty were the Ho-nan 河南 and Ho-pei 河北 circuits. Ho-nan had developed as an advanced sericulture and silk production region ever since the Han 漢 Dynasty. Its central areas were Sung-chou 宋州 and po-chou 亳州. The southern and central parts of Ho-pei developed along generally similar lines as Ho-nan circuit. When they suffered from the revolt of the Wu-hu Shih-liu-kuo 五胡 十六国, they became the object of deep concern on the part of the rulers. From after the implementation of the Chun-tien 均田 system in the Pei-wei 北魏 up to the age of Lu-ling 律令 system they were highly regarded as a valuable source of national finances or object of accumulated wealth by bureaucrats and aristocrats. This practice spread to the northern part of Ho-pei also. Meanwhile, sericulture and silk production slowly spread to Huai-nan 淮南 and Shan-nan 山南 circuits in the south and to all of Ssuch'uan 四川 in the west. But compared to the silk produced in the main regions, their silk was inferior both in quality and quantity. It is said that sericulture and silk production in the Kuan-chung 関中 region had already declined by the Kai-yuan 開元 (713-41) period. But, as the government showed concern over their condition, they were nonetheless maintained to a considerable degree up until the Sung 宋 Dynasty. In the Chiang-nan 江南 region, especially the Yang-tzu delta, the sericulture industry had produced a special high quality silk cloth from before the T'ang Dynasty. Sericulture here had, as in Ch'eng-tu 成都 and its vicinity in Ssu-ch'uan, a tax payment function, and so was intimately related to court control. Sericulture was not commonly practiced in the villages. Even when it was practiced, it was simply for a family's own use. The quality thus can easily be imagined to have been extremely low. Here, also, linen was used for daily clothing, and so it was used for paying taxes, at an exchange rate set for it in place of silk, by the government. In the middle reaches of the Yang-tzu-River there were few parts of Chiang-hsi 江西 and Hu-nan 湖南 that practiced sericulture. In fact, but for the one area of Feng-chou 〓州, there was no sericulture in all of Hu-nan. To the south, in Fu-chien 福建 and Ling-nan 嶺南, there was hardly any sericulture right up to the Sung. And, in Fu-chien cotton growing replaced sericulture during the Nan-sung 南宋. In sum, the stretch of time from the Chin 秦 and Han Dynasties right up to the Lu-ling System was the age of linen in China. Sericulture and silk production, first centered in the Ho-nan and Ho-pei circuits gradually spread out to the surrounding areas. From the latter half of the T'ang up to the end of the Pei-sung 北宋 they spread rapidly in the direction of Chiang-nan, especially the Liang-che 両浙 and Chiang-hsi regions. The practice of sericulture and the amount of silk cloth produced increased so greatly, that China then entered its age of silk. Such an increase was mainly due to two developments. First, the Chiang-nan area became the economic base of the empire and the source of government wealth. Secondly, many new developments in sericulture methods appeared in the Chiang-nan area. Many concrete examples of both developments can be given.

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