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  • *松平 和也
    情報システム学会 全国大会論文集
    2013年 9 巻 E2-1
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2020/05/25
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    会社の行動を善悪,賢愚の 2軸で評価して自社の現状を知ることは有効 である。 しかし成熟社会における会社のあり方には,さらに徳性の高い品格を持つことが求められる。 そこで, この第3軸品格の高低を加えて,これを会社の格 即ち
    社格
    と言う総合的言葉で表現し,経営者が自社を自己評価することを勧める 。 会社の品格が高いか低いか,善悪の判断が深いか浅いか,さらに賢愚の知識幅が広いか狭いかを論じて 3次元的に会社の評価を行うことで,経営者が 総体としての自社の
    社格
    を知り,徳の高い企業行動を持続するように経営管理するのである 。
  • *松平 和也
    情報システム学会 全国大会論文集
    2014年 10 巻 D22
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2020/01/13
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    巨大企業で,黒字の企業は高額の税金を支払っているというのが常識である.もし,支払っていなければそれは税 金を脱税しているか,納税を回避しているのであろう.日本においては,租税は,戦国時代の苛斂誅求な率はとも あれ,徳川時 代になると,四公六民という相場になった.即ち,農民は田畑の上がりの 6 割は自分のものになった のである.現代においては,法人の税率は 35.64 %になっており,徳川時代の租税より低い.この税率は 2015 年 以降,さらに引き下げられる予定である.ところが,この低いと想定される法人税を支払っていない巨大企業があ る.巨大企業の実効税率を参照し,低い税率であるとされた企業の
    社格
    を判定してみた.結果,実効税負担率 25% 以下の企業の
    社格
    は低位置にあることが判明した.その殆どの企業が租税回避行動をとっているのである.日本国 の法 人として,国家への貢献の重要な部分である税金を払わない企業はやはり
    社格
    が低いと断じざるを得ない.企 業の経営者は,株主への利益貢献だけでなく,国家への納税貢献の実行を肝に銘じて経営に当たるべきである.
  • 近代の国幣中社大物忌神社に注目して
    *筒井 裕
    日本地理学会発表要旨集
    2007年 2007s 巻 P809
    発行日: 2007年
    公開日: 2007/04/29
    会議録・要旨集 フリー

    ●はじめに
     1871(明治4)年,太政官布告により,政府は国内の神社に
    社格
    を付与した.1945年までに,内地には208の官国幣社が成立しており,その約半数が
    社格
    を変更させた.この点から,近代の神社の
    社格
    は非固定的なものであったことがわかる.多数の官国幣社で
    社格
    の変更がなされたにもかかわらず,これらが発行した神社史の多くは,その背景や方法を曖昧に記述するにとどまり,この点を詳細に把握することは困難となっている.だが,一部の神社史には,各神社の神職や氏子が府・県令(知事)を仲介役とし,教部省(内務省)に
    社格
    昇格を出願し,これを果たしていたことが記されている.神社側の請願は全て承認された訳ではなく,要望通りに昇格できなかった神社もある.このような神社では,政府に対する請願を幾度も繰り返す傾向にあった.
     本研究の目的は,非固定的な性質をもつ近代の神社の
    社格
    が,氏子地区にいかなる影響を及ぼしたかを,国幣中社大物忌神社(山形県飽海郡)の
    社格
    昇格活動に注目し,当時の文書の分析を通して解明することにある.
    ●大物忌神社の
    社格
    昇格活動
     1871年に国幣中社となった大物忌神社は,秋田・山形の県境に位置する鳥海山(2,236m)を「大物忌神」とみなし,祀る神社である.同社は鳥海山山頂部の本殿とふたつの里宮(吹浦口ノ宮・蕨岡口ノ宮)で構成される.元来,同神は鳥海山山麓に居住する鳥海修験集団により祀られてきたが,1871年以降は,国家が派遣した官吏待遇の宮司と修験世帯出身の神職が運営する大物忌神社がこれを担った.現地調査から,明治初期・中期に同社の神職や氏子が
    社格
    昇格活動を行っていたことがわかった.
    (1)明治初期:大物忌神社による最初の
    社格
    昇格活動は1873(明治6)年に確認される.これは,同社の神職が教部省に,吹浦口ノ宮境内内の「月山神社」を官国幣社に指定するよう願い出たものであった.同口ノ宮では,鳥海山の神を祀る「大物忌神社」と月山の神を祀る「月山神社」の2座を同格の神社として祀ってきたが,当時,後者には
    社格
    が与えられていなかった.この請願は,1874(同7)年に吹浦口ノ宮と同様に月山を祀る「田川郡の月山神社」が国幣中社に昇格したことにより棄却され,同口ノ宮の月山神社は「国幣中社大物忌神社摂社」となる.翌年,大物忌神社の神職は「飽海郡の月山神社」が古い歴史をもつ式内社であることを根拠とし,これを「田川郡の月山神社」と同様に官国幣社に列するよう酒田県に求めるが,これも棄却される.
    (2)明治中期:それ以降も,大物忌神社の神職は山形県に対して
    社格
    昇格の請願を継続しており,その氏子は政府からの吉報を心待ちにしていた.だが,1884(明治17)年に昇格を果たしたのは大物忌神社ではなく,「田川郡の月山神社」であった.「田川郡の月山神社」の官幣中社昇格に刺激を受けた鳥海山崇敬者は,署名活動を展開し,大物忌神社の神職に対してその
    社格
    を「官幣大社」まで高めるよう強く迫る.この署名活動には,鳥海山山麓の住民-すなわち秋田県由利郡と山形県飽海郡の氏子総代と鳥海修験集団の代表者-が参加した.鳥海山山麓の住民が大物忌神社に最高位の
    社格
    「官幣大社」を望んだ理由として,(a)彼らが鳥海山からの流水を利用して生活を営んできたために,鳥海山が「最も重要で身近な神」であったこと,(b)国史の記述が大物忌神社の威信を回復し,最大限に高め得る根拠になると鳥海山崇敬者が認識していたこと,(c)彼らが,最高位の
    社格
    が鳥海山の参拝者数を増加させ,山麓周辺地域に経済的効果をもたらす要素になると捉えていたことなどが挙げられる.彼らの「世論」を受け,大物忌神社の宮司ら神職は,1885(明治18)年秋期に東京へ出張し,同地在住の政府の要人に
    社格
    昇格の打診を試みる.だが,要人との面会の約束を取り付けること自体が困難であり,この請願活動は結実しなかった.
    ●結論
     近代の神社の
    社格
    が氏子地区に与えた影響として次の3点を挙げることができる.(1)「昇格可能な
    社格
    」は,これをもつ神社とその氏子地区内において,規模の大小はあるものの,その昇格のための請願活動を幾度も発生させる要因となった.(2)「より上位の
    社格
    」は参拝者数を増大させ,神社を中核とする氏子地区に経済的効果をもたらすという「期待感」を氏子間に抱かせるものであった.また,これは「より低い
    社格
    」をもつ神社の氏子の間に「嫉妬心」を抱かせる要素ともなった.(3)「
    社格
    」は,神職や氏子に神社と主祭神の由来を再確認させる機会を与え,これは彼らに特定の神社や氏子地区に属するという自覚を著しく高めさせる効果をもたらすものとなった.
  • 白井 裕泰
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2009年 74 巻 645 号 2521-2527
    発行日: 2009/11/30
    公開日: 2010/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The results of analysis on the shrines that have living “sanken-sya” in old Tama county are as follows.
    These shrines were the village shrine of the dominion that was ruled by powerful family as like Nishi-party, Yokoyama-party, and Chichibu-party in Kamakura era. And these powerful family built, repaired and conserved these shrines.
    We think that the style of the main shrine as “sanken-sya-nagare-tsukuri” of these shrines was imitated the style of the main shrine of Tsuruoka-hachimangu shrine that was protected by Kamakura Shogunate, in the Middle Ages.
  • 明治東京の氏子域に関する復元的考察(その2)
    小南 弘季
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2018年 83 巻 743 号 129-135
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/01/30
    ジャーナル フリー
     This paper is continued from 'The establishment of 'Ujiko-iki' in the early Meiji period-A study for restoration of Ujiko-iki area of Tokyo in the Meiji period (Part 1)-'. A term 'Ujiko-iki' means a territory where Ujiko, which means a worshiper to a specific Shinto shrine, live around the Shinto shrine. Ujiko-iki area is very important for research of urban history in comprising the most basically part of the city. The purpose of this paper is clarifying how Ujiko-iki area was changed after Ujiko shirabe, which was enacted as a law to assist the Family Registration Law of 1871, and indicated that the whole nation became Ujiko of any shrines based on ‘Gosha precepts’, was abolished in 1973.
     Firstly, Ujiko-iki areas of Tokyo in 1872 and 1877-79 are restored on the map from historical records which describes town names of Ujiko of each shrine. By comparing them, several changes, which included change of boundaries of Ujiko-iki, increase or decrease of vacant area and detached Ujiko-iki, are described. Among these changes most important is that many small-scale Ujiko-iki areas were revised. These small-scale Ujiko-iki areas were Ujiko of small shrine there before enacting Gosha precepts and were revised after the abolition to be approved by submission of Ujiko-negai which was a petition to have Ujiko. Finally, Sugimori shrine is taken up as a concrete example of the shrine having a small-scale Ujiko-iki revised after the abolition of Ujiko shirabe. By interpreting the diary written by the priest of this shrine, the relationship between priests and Ujiko is revealed. It is described to rest with not priests or Kocho but townsmen to be Ujiko of any shrines.
     Secondly, it is defined how the meaning of 'Rekkaku' which is classifying into shrine rank and 'Ujiko-iki' after the abolition of Ujiko shirabe by analyzing details of laws issued in 1873. In 1873 two important statutes were abolished. One was Ujiko shirabe and the other was paying for Shinto priests of Shosha which was comprised of prefectural shrines, regional shrines, village shrines. These abolitions changed Rekkaku as relationship to the family register district into as just grading system among shrines. But Ujiko system formed by Gosha precepts, which divided whole land into Ujiko-iki of any shrines, was not abolished. After the abolition of Ujiko shirabe Ujiko-iki was not abolished perfectly but revised partially.
     In the chapter 3, it is clarified that local shrines were classified in four times by taking statistics of the date of Rekkaku in the city of Tokyo on the official records of Shinto shrines and that ranking has different means in each time by interpreting historical records of Tokyo prefecture. 1st Rekkaku was held on May 1872 by Tokyo prefecture directly as a principle. 2nd Rekkaku was held on October and November 1872 in following survey by Kocho which were officers in charge of the family register. 3rd Rekkaku was held on July 1873 to add shrines which were not selected in 2nd Rekkaku despite old shrine having small-scale Ujiko-iki. After 3rd Rekkaku, Rekkaku were held each time Rekkaku-regai, which was a petition for Rekkaku, was submitted. Therefore, it is described that the relation between Rekkaku and Ujiko was changed after 3rd Rekkaku and shrines could be classified into four types; Rekkaku and having Ujiko, Rekkaku but not having Ujiko, not Rekkaku and not having Ujiko, not Rekkaku but having Ujiko.
     The following is a summary of the above. After the abolition of Ujiko shirabe, Ujiko-iki was revised partially to restore religion before Gosha precepts and was completed as the modern religious district.
  • 藤原 惠洋
    デザイン学研究
    1992年 1992 巻 91 号 53-60
    発行日: 1992/05/01
    公開日: 2017/07/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    制限図は,日本近代の国家神道体制下において造営・整備される神社の様式・規模・社殿配置を規制した。本稿では,まず明治初期の制限図検討過程を通し,限られた予算下において国家神道体制の拠点施設として神社の再整備が必要とされたため,適度な規模内容を持った全国一律の様式的普遍形式を生み出す規制的標準設計の役割を制限図が担ったことを究明した。次に検討期を経て整理された制限図の規制内容が,(1)神仏習合の近世神社を遡り古式遵奉をめざすため,流造本殿・入母屋造拝殿を中心とする独立社殿により構成された。(2)社殿の配置・平面・規模を決めた平面的規制と,立面姿絵・仕様表示による造形的規定から成る意匠規制の性格を持つ。(3)大中小の
    社格
    に応じた規模と仕様の差異を厳格に見せた,という3点に代表されることを明らかにした。一方,制限図が別格官幣社創建を中心に明治年間から大正期明治神宮造営頃まで適用されながらも,明治34年以降,伊東忠太に主導され制限図批判が展開した点を考察,昭和初期における制限図の終末を示した。
  • 竹内 雅之
    宗教研究
    2012年 85 巻 4 号 1238-1239
    発行日: 2012/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小南 弘季
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2020年 85 巻 772 号 1347-1353
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2020/06/30
    ジャーナル フリー

     Japan has many small shrines located at street corners, near farms and fields, and in the mountains. This paper discusses how small shrines in Tokyo brought about changes in the early “Meiji period (1868-1912)” that drastically reformed the Shinto shrine system from the urban history perspective. An inspection of the actual situation of these shrines, especially “unranked shrines” is possible by analyzing the administrative documents of Tokyo Prefecture during this period.

     Firstly, there is a clarification of several legal characteristics of “unranked shrines” in the early Meiji period. Shrines, which were called “unranked shrines, ” were not shrine ranked in the modern shrine ranking system but were officially recognized by the government as Shinto shrines. “Unranked shrine” was the customary shrine ranking in order to distinguish these official shrines from unofficial ones. There were some differences between ranked and unranked shrines regarding money and administration.

     Chapter 3 reveals the situation relating to the administration of unranked shrines in Tokyo by interpreting historical documents sent by Shinto priests to the Tokyo Prefectural Government. All unranked shrines were assigned to ranked shines and a Shinto priest of the ranked shrine perform administrative and ritual duties of unranked shrines. Many unranked shrines hired shrine keepers to carry out daily work to avoid the difficulty of administration. Unranked shrines needed to bear the expense for hiring shrine keepers, holding festivals, and repairing the shrine temple.

     The first half of chapter 4 see the restoration of the process of officially regulating unranked shrines in Tokyo. Unranked shrines were regulated in stages as the ranked shrines were graded on a massive scale (four times in Tokyo). There seems to be no regularity regarding the number of unranked shrines assigned to each ranked shrine. It could be inferred that this was not decided by the shrine’s ranking or its number of Shinto priests, especially since some shrines that were graded higher ranks were not assigned any unranked shrines.

     The latter half of chapter 4 defines the relation between the administrative system of unranked shrines and the Ujiko system through analyzing the logic of the formation of the administrative relationships between ranked and unranked shrines by relating them to Ujiko-iki areas. The administrative relationships between ranked and unranked shrines did not vary in stages like the associations of shrines organized according to the shrine ranking system. Furthermore, promotion and demotion of unranked shrines were managed in each Ujiko-iki area. This shows that the administrative relationships between ranked and unranked shrines were formed based on each Ujiko-iki area. The government attempted to unify the administration of all shrines based on the Ujiko system. Believers of unranked shrines were also the Ujiko of the ranked shrines that the shrine was assigned to.

     Therefore, in Tokyo during the Meiji period, the administration of “unranked shrines” was constructed based on the dual logic of the modern Ujiko system and the actual belief of unranked shrines.

  • 山田 雄司
    宗教研究
    2015年 89 巻 3 号 569-572
    発行日: 2015/12/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 明治東京の氏子域に関する復元的考察(その1)
    小南 弘季
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2017年 82 巻 735 号 1359-1365
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー
     The purpose of this paper is laying the foundation of a study for Ujiko-iki area in the city which has been hardly researched. A term 'Ujiko-iki' means a territory where Ujiko, which means a worshiper to a specific Shinto shrine, live around the Shinto shrine. Ujiko-iki area is very important for research of urban history in comprising the most basically part of the city. In 2005 Hirohisa Ito restored Ujiko-iki area in the Edo and described the change of distribution of town of Ujiko. However, the definition of Ujiko-iki area and the process setting boundaries of Ujiko-iki area was not revealed. In this paper Ujiko-iki area in Tokyo in 1872 is restored to grasp the whole image of Ujiko-iki area in the beginning of the Meiji period.
     In the chapter 2, it is described that Ujiko-iki area had drastically changed by constructing a new shrine system of the Meiji period. Especially two proclamations, ‘Gosha precepts’ and ‘Ujiko shirabe system’ mainly regulate Ujiko-iki area after the Meiji Restoration. With ‘Gosha precepts’ shrines and priests nationwide graded in accordance and all land distributed to each Ujiko-iki area belonging to any Shinto shrine. On the other hand, ‘Ujiko shirabe system’ was enacted as a law to assist the Family Registration Law of 1871, and indicated that the whole nation became Ujiko of any shrines based on ‘Gosha precepts’ As a result, Ujiko-iki area of the Meiji period, which was mostly different from it in the Edo period, was as a territory deeply related to the administration.
     In the chapter 3, the Ujiko-iki area in Tokyo in the beginning Meiji period 1872 is restored by identifying town names of Ujiko in historical materials on a map of the day. To compare Ujiko-iki area of the Edo period with Ujiko-iki area of the Meiji period, it is found out that there were two significant differences between two ages. Firstly, in the Edo period Ujiko-iki spread in a mosaic pattern along the townsmen district (Not all town of townsmen district became Ujiko). However, in the Meiji period it was reorganized to suitably divide the rest land in the each part. It was reason that territories of samurai, temples and shrines were abolish by Agechi-rei issued in the beginning of the Meiji period. Secondly, in the Edo period many towns were responsible for festival as Ujiko of two or three shrines, mostly towns corresponded to just one shrine in the Meiji period.
     Therefore, it is revealed how ‘Gosha precepts’ adopted Ujiko-iki area in Tokyo which was largest city in Japan in the beginning of the Meiji period. Most Ujiko-iki area in Tokyo were divided regardless of the family register district. The change of the number of shrines of each shrine ranking in each Daiku indicated that shrines were arbitrarily classified as each shrine ranking according to administrative necessities. Therefore, there were words 'Kizoku', which meant belonging, in the shrine register of 1872. This word indicated the relationships between village shrines and township shrines or unranked shrines, or township shrines and unranked shrines. But, this word 'Kizoku' was not used to prefectural shrines. On the other hand, the organization called 'Kumiai' was established in 1873. This was a pyramided organization laying prefectural shrines on the top in order to improve efficiency in delivering administrative orders. It can be pointed out that the territories of 'Kumiai' were similar to the areas of Daiku.
     The following is a summary of the above. After the Meiji Restoration, Ujiko-iki area drastically varied its form. Then it was gradually transformed for the shrine administration while leaving the former locality.
  • 市田 雅崇
    宗教研究
    2014年 87 巻 Suppl 号 56-57
    発行日: 2014/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 青木 祐介
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2001年 66 巻 548 号 251-256
    発行日: 2001/10/30
    公開日: 2017/02/04
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the early Meiji (before the Shinto system revised in 1871) ,the new government had no clear vision for the building and repairs of shrines. When the new hierarchy of shrines had been established, the government had to make guidelines regarding building and repairing expenditure for the shrines directly controlled by the government. Meanwhile, Izumo-Shrine requested from the government again and again, funds not for repairs but for the whole reconstruction. Thus based on the financial state of the government, the area restrictions of shrines was suggested in 1872 by the Ministry of Finance.
  • 明治東京の氏子域に関する復元的考察(その3)
    小南 弘季
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2019年 84 巻 762 号 1827-1833
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2019/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー

     This paper is continued from ‘The establishment of ‘Ujiko-iki’ in the early Meiji period-A study for restoration of Ujiko-iki area of Tokyo in the Meiji period (Part 1)’ and ‘Revising small-scale ‘Ujiko-iki’ after the abolition of Ujiko shirabe- A study for restoration of Ujiko-iki area of Tokyo in the Meiji period (Part 2)’. A term ‘Ujiko-iki’ means a territory where Ujiko, which means a worshiper to a specific Shinto shrine, live around the Shinto shrine. Ujiko-iki area is very important for research of urban history in comprising the most basically part of the city. The purpose of this paper is classifying Ujiko-iki in Tokyo in patterns especially from the side of spatial characteristics and discussing about peculiarity of the metropolitan Tokyo in the modern transition period.

     Firstly, specific characteristics of ‘Ujigami’ shrines in Tokyo is described by analyzing an investigation ‘Ujiko chomei do jinnin shirabecho’ which was made to determine Ujiko-iki and shrine ranking in 1872. In chapter 2, ‘Ujiko chomei do jinnin shirabecho’ is analyzed to comprehend a situation of Ujiko-iki before the abolishment of Ujiko shirabe. As a result, it is defined that there have been four phases until Ujiko-iki were formed and only shrine which was over certain criteria established by Shajigakari of Tokyo Prefecture was authorized to possess Ujiko as a ‘Ujigami’ shrine.

     In chapter 3, the reality of ‘Ujigami’ shrines and rekkaku, which means gaining any of shrine rankings to a shrine, in the city area of Tokyo is described by comparing ‘Ujigami’ shrines with the shrines which possessed some Ujiko in the Edo period. First point is that there were many shrines which possessed a small number of Ujiko towns as an ‘Ujigami’ shrine. Especially it is noteworthy fact that Shajigakari suspended the determination of Ujiko of shrines which have not been gained any ranking with an exceptional flame ‘Sonsha-gai’ against the principle of Gosha precepts. Second point is that large-scale shrines that possessed adequate Ujiko, which was basically over 10 hundred houses, to be ranked as Gosha equally existed around the city area of Tokyo.

     Then, in chapter 4, spatial characteristics of Ujiko-iki in Tokyo are described by analyzing how to divide previous samurai residential area into each Ujiko-iki in the point of view of the scale of Ujiko-iki while comparing to the distribution of Ujiko towns in the Edo period. Ujiko-iki in the city area of Tokyo in Meiji period generally divided to success the territory of Ujiko towns in the Edo period. From the viewpoint of specific character of territory gained to each shrine, Ujiko-iki in the city area of Tokyo, which were established in the early Meiji period, are classified into three types. Type A is Ujiko-iki which corresponded a traditional widely region. Type B is Ujiko-iki which corresponded a small-scale region from the old time and an area of only a town. Type C is Ujiko-iki which owns bigness and political symbolism only for Hie-Jinja Shrine and Kanda-Jinja Shrine. Shrines with Ujiko-iki of Type A have been called ‘Sochinju’ traditionally, which has been worshiped as a shrine to guard a territory larger than a village or a town and are generally most old in that region with some legends concerned about the creation of the region. In Tokyo, Kanda-Jinja Shrine and Hie-Jinja Shrine (Type C) are in the center of the city and Type A are scattered equally around two cores and Type C lie beside and in Type A.

     The following is a summary of the above. Shajigakari formed Ujiko-iki and organized a modern administrative system of shrine by reevaluating the traditional spatial characteristic.

  • *府和 正一郎
    人文地理学会大会 研究発表要旨
    2023年 2023 巻 110
    発行日: 2023年
    公開日: 2024/01/24
    会議録・要旨集 オープンアクセス
  • 浦崎 真一
    ランドスケープ研究
    2009年 72 巻 5 号 787-792
    発行日: 2009年
    公開日: 2010/06/24
    ジャーナル フリー
    This study aims to analyze the space composition and line of flow of Shinto shrines, particularly the ‘Kyu-Kampeitaisha' shrines in Nara Prefecture, which are large and important shrines of the old hierarchy. The analysis is based on a comparison with small and medium size shrines. Eight shrines were investigated considering their location, surroundings, composition elements and their composition. The results show that the large shrines have remarkable geomorphic characteristics. The locations were mainly chosen by geomorphic characteristics. This as a cause, the relations of the shrines and surrounding elements declined. Moreover, most of the ‘Kyu-Kampeitaisha' shrines comprise the inner shrines, the outer shrines, open spaces and approaches, and the scale of shrines depends on the length of approaches. The compositions that met the geomorphic characteristics and intentional compositions, which were modeled on the geomorphic characteristics, were seen in the line of flow. However, a few compositions irrelevant to the geomorphic characteristics were also seen. Approaches give rise to asymmetrical space compositions, which, in general, can find a commonality with the Japanese sense.
  • 森 悟朗
    宗教研究
    2014年 87 巻 Suppl 号 55-56
    発行日: 2014/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小南 弘季
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2020年 85 巻 778 号 2829-2837
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2020/12/30
    ジャーナル フリー

     This paper discusses the logic that leads small shrines, which were enshrined in the cities through premodern times, to continue to exist or be abolished in the early Meiji period in which the system of the Shinto shrines was reformed drastically from the perspective of urban history. The actual situation of shrine disposal in Tokyo is inspected diachronically and comprehensively by analyzing the administrative documents of Tokyo Prefecture during this time.

     Firstly, the legal characteristics of ordinance No. 37 of the Ministry of Religion in 1876 are clarified by referring to previous studies. This ordinance has been investigated in relation to the shrine merger at the end of the Meiji period as the law that was the basis for shrine disposal. Takishima (2000) revealed that a few shrines were newly registered as unranked shrines in Jinja Meisai-cho—an official register of the government in Tokyo—after this ordinance; most of the shrines were merged with other shrines or were relocated to the precinct of other shrines. The actual situation was that many shrines were already registered as unranked shrines until the ordinance was elected.

     In Chapter 3, the process of shrine disposal in Tokyo during the early Meiji period is discussed by interpreting historical administrative documents and referring to several systems concerned with shrine disposal. A total of 105 shrines (45 shrines in the urban area) were disposed of in Tokyo Prefecture from 1873 to 1888. Some of the shrines disposed were ranked as shrines, but most were unranked. These shrines or small shrines by the streets and in private estates were not registered in Jjinja Meisai-cho after 1873, during which time there was wholesale grading of the shrine-ranking system in Tokyo Prefecture.

     In Chapter 4, the maintenance and survival of Shinto shrines in the early Meiji period are considered by analyzing the person concerned, the manners and factors of individual cases, and disclosure of the logics and the facts of shrine disposal in Tokyo. The first half of this chapter discloses that shrine disposal in Tokyo was executed in three ways: merge the deity with other shrines, relocate the temple to other places, and change the registration from official to private. The union of shrines by merging the deity or moving the temple into other shrine precincts as subordinate shrines was frequently chosen as a passive method for economic reasons. However, this method was not necessarily equivalent to the physical elimination of shrines, which was recommended by the administration.

     In the last half of Chapter 4, it was found that shrine disposal in Tokyo in the early Meiji period had four causes: serious damage to the temple, absence of permanence, loss of the precinct, and improvement of the conditions; by analyzing actual situations, the combination of these multiple reasons led to the disposal of many shrines. Many shrines that were disposed of had serious damage from fires and typhoons, and the loss of the precincts provided the momentum. Fundamentally, Ujiko and believers assessed the permanence of the shrine temple and precinct and selected the method of disposal that was required in special cases of disposal by the administration.

  • 浦崎 真一
    ランドスケープ研究
    2008年 71 巻 5 号 779-784
    発行日: 2008/03/31
    公開日: 2009/05/08
    ジャーナル フリー
    This study aims to analyze the space composition and approach of Shinto shrines, particularly the Kyu-Kensha shrines in Nara Prefecture, which are middle-grade shrines of the old hierarchy. Twenty-eight shrines were investigated with regard to their location,surroundings, and composition elements. The characteristics of the space composition of the shrines were argued in brief in terms of (1) their relation with geomorphic characteristics, (2) asymmetry and diagonal characteristics in their arrangement, (3) non-geometric but curvilinear features, and (4) partially view approach. It was observed that shrines with designs unrelated to their geomorphic conditions, such as those located over flat land, also had an asymmetric layout with a gap between the axes or with a winding approach. The asymmetrical space composition, usually seen in the lower-grade, small-sized shrines restricted to topography, was also found among the Kyu-Kensha shrines.
  • ―民俗と社会教育の関係性について―
    *大城 直樹
    人文地理学会大会 研究発表要旨
    2023年 2023 巻 SP11
    発行日: 2023年
    公開日: 2024/01/24
    会議録・要旨集 オープンアクセス
  • *井上 友子, 青木 幹太, 佐藤 慈, 星野 浩司, 佐藤 佳代, 進藤 環
    日本デザイン学会研究発表大会概要集
    2019年 66 巻 C4-01
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2019/06/27
    会議録・要旨集 フリー

    香椎宮は724年に創建し、仲哀天皇・神功皇后の神霊を祀る歴史ある神社であり、出雲大社を除いて日本国内に16ある勅祭社のひとつである。境内・境内外には多くの摂社と末社を抱え、重要文化財を含む多くの観光資財を有している。しかし、高い

    社格
    を備えながら香椎宮を訪れる参拝客は太宰府天満宮の20分の1以下である。その結果、初穂料も低く施設は老朽化している。発表者はデザインの力によりこの神社の周辺環境を整え、魅力づくりに貢献し、参拝客誘致を試みている。本発表は、香椎宮の再興を目的とする研究で得た成果の一部を発表するものである。

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