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  • 筑摩書房,2022–2023年
    布施 豪嗣
    経済学史研究
    2024年 65 巻 2 号 168-170
    発行日: 2024/01/25
    公開日: 2024/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 【一九一〇年代における木村久一の軌跡と思想】
    福家 崇洋
    社会思想史研究:社会思想史学会年報
    2010年 34 巻 122-140
    発行日: 2010/09/30
    公開日: 2024/11/19
    ジャーナル フリー

      This article takes up Kimura Kyuichi. He is an originator of Reimeikai and explained the importance of Democracy to the people with Yoshino Sakuzo in the Taisho Democracy era. No historian has ever focused spotlight on him until now. This paper has following two purposes. The primary purpose is to examine the place of this forgotten Taisho democrat in the study of Taisho Democracy. The secondary one is to clarify how Kimura as a Taisho democrat tried to liberate people from mental restrictions to the state.

      What he had majored in psychology at university gave him originality. He fought against Japanese “Kokutai”, which exerted a huge impact on the psychology of people. Although Yoshino avoided any head on confrontation with the national policy in his Democracy, Kimura criticized bureaucrats, politicians and scholars, saying that they intended to control the people with government-designated thought and morality. Moreover, he complained about unconsciousness and arrogance of Japanese people, because they discriminated against Korean and Chinese, while they were speaking out against racial discrimination to the world. Through these activities, he tried to elaborate “supranational morality”.

      As Kimura was arrested on charges of lese majesty in 1920, his Democracy failed to get off the ground by the police repression. The author positions Kimura's Democracy, which attempted to nurture people's real free and independent spirit, as a key challenge for the study of Taisho Democracy and that of history of social thought, and discovers the unknown possibility of Taisho Democracy.

  • 昭和堂 2017年3月
    芦田 裕介
    村落社会研究ジャーナル
    2018年 25 巻 1 号 39-40
    発行日: 2018/10/25
    公開日: 2019/11/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鈴木正吾と西岡竹次郎を事例として
    伊東 久智
    選挙研究
    2016年 32 巻 1 号 5-18
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2019/12/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    日露戦後から第一次大戦期にかけての帝国議会周辺では,若者による活発な政治運動が展開された(本稿では,それを「院外青年」運動と呼んだ)。本稿は,この「院外青年」運動及び同運動出身代議士と選挙とのかかわりについて,鈴木正吾と西岡竹次郎を事例として,長期的な観点から検討した。また,そこに,普選・中選挙区制度下における 「小英雄」型代議士の選挙運動・選挙地盤という観点も加味した。それによって,①「院外青年」運動の諸画期と総選挙とが密接な連動関係にあったこと,②「院外青年」時代の志向と,代議士時代の立場とを比較したとき,鈴木と西岡とは対照的な関係にあったこと,③しかし,両者はともに,卓越した演説技術や斬新な選挙戦術を駆使する「小英雄」型代議士の典型であり,また,議会政治認識についても一致・一貫していたことなどが明らかとなった。
  • 大和 友紀弘
    Antitled
    2025年 4 巻 73-82
    発行日: 2025/05/09
    公開日: 2025/06/06
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 石井 元章
    イタリア学会誌
    2018年 68 巻 147-167
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー

    Famoso militare e politico, Ettore Viola (1894-1986), noto per la celebre mostra d’arte giapponese al Palazzo delle Esposizioni a Roma nel 1930, viene presentato da nuovi documenti anche come organizzatore della prima mostra d’arte italiana moderna tenutasi a Tokyo nel 1928. Il presente lavoro esamina questo aspetto delle attività di Viola, mettendo in evidenza la graduale modifica ed appropriazione del progetto della mostra d’arte giapponese a Roma da parte della propaganda fascista, fino ad escludere totalmente Viola dal progetto e dall’evento.

    In una posizione rischiosa dopo il voto contrario al partito fascista alla camera, Viola si reca in Cile con un passaporto ottenuto con difficoltà, portando con sé, anche su suggerimento del prof. Carlo Siviero (già direttore dell’Accademia di Belle Arti di Napoli), più di 250 quadri di artisti contemporanei romani, napoletani, fiorentini, milanesi e veneziani, che glieli avevano affidati sulla fiducia, rimandandone il pagamento. Qui Viola realizza un’esposizione di discreto successo, ma la vendita dei quadri riesce appena a coprire le spese di viaggio. Si sposta così a San Francisco, negli Stati Uniti, dove il console italiano gli suggerisce di recarsi in Giappone. Vi giunge il 31 marzo 1928 e organizza, con il sostegno dall’incaricato d’affari dell’Ambasciata del Regno d’Italia a Tokyo Leone Weillschott, un’altra mostra nei grandi magazzini Mitsukoshi dal 9 al 15 maggio. Questa mostra riscosse un grande successo e quasi tutte le opere esposte furono vendute.

    Tutti i giornali locali, tuttavia, riferiscono che l’ideazione e l’organizzazione della mostra si dovevano al governo italiano: notizia non corretta e di origine ignota, per quanto anche il diario di Naohiko Masaki, direttore della Scuola di Belle Arti di Tokyo, nomini Viola solo come rappresentante del governo Mussolini. È possibile che la notizia sia stata diffusa proprio da Weillschott su pressione del governo italiano. La figura del Duce, è noto, negli anni Venti era particolarmente apprezzata in Giappone e molte opere a lui favorevoli furono pubblicate o rappresentate sul palcoscenico. A una di queste rappresentazioni in un teatro di Tokyo assistette con Masaki lo stesso Viola.

    La mostra fu visitata anche da membri della famiglia imperiale e uno di essi, il Principe Asaka, la cui residenza ospita ora il Museo del Giardino (Teien) a Tokyo, acquistò La gondola nuziale di Alessandro Milesi (1856-1945) e Gli usi e costumi del Settecento di Raffaele Zeloni (XIX-XX sec.). Viola, inoltre, regalò all’Ambasciata d’Italia a Tokyo l’Ufficiale di artiglieria a cavallo di Giovanni Fattori, conosciuto come Il carabiniere a cavallo. Poche altre opere oltre a queste sono però identificabili attraverso i documenti a noi pervenuti: Ritratto di donna alla turca di Filippo Carcano (1840-1914), La barca alla costa di Giuseppe Casciaro (1863-1941), Nella palude a Monte Circeo di Giulio Aristide Sartorio (1860-1932), Un campo di Venezia di Giacomo Favretto (1852-1887) e Una giovane al pianoforte di John Singer Sargent (1856-1925).

    Lo scambio epistolare iniziato fra Viola e Weillschott una volta lasciata Tokyo, mostra che l’incaricato informa Viola dell’impressione che ha avuto del nuovo Ambasciatore Pompeo Aloisi (1875-1949). Questi aveva accolto con entusiasmo l’idea di una mostra di arte giapponese a Roma proposta da Viola, Weillschot e Terasaki (interprete, studente di pittura all’Istituto di Belle Arti di Venezia all’inizio del secolo). Con una lettera del 31 luglio 1928, Weillschott chiede a Viola di ospitare a Roma a proprie spese il barone Okura, che voleva sponsorizzare la mostra del 1930 e nel cui albergo nel centro di Tokyo Viola era stato ospitato per più di un mese.

    Lo scambio epistolare diretto fra Aloisi e Viola risale invece al febbraio 1929: qui si mostra

    (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

  • 若月 剛史
    史学雑誌
    2010年 119 巻 5 号 759-763
    発行日: 2010/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―独立青年同盟の結成と排撃―
    堀内 慎一郎
    年報政治学
    2016年 67 巻 2 号 2_261-2_284
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2019/12/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    本稿では, 1949年に結成され, 当時の労働運動や日本社会党において激しい左右対立を引き起こした, 独立青年同盟の結成過程, 組織規模や組織論, イデオロギー等, その実態について調査分析を行った。その結果, 独青は, 当初目指された社青同結成が左右対立により頓挫したため, 総同盟右派や国鉄民同等の民同右派と社会党右派の青年が結成したものであったが, 社会党内での十分な協力関係構築に失敗したこともあって, 総同盟左派や産別民同主流, 社会党青年部によって排撃されたこと, 同時に 「左を叩いて, 右を切る」 という左派の労働戦線再編の戦略や, GHQ労働課の思惑もあって, 独青をめぐる対立が労働運動と社会党全体の左右対立に発展し, 左派優位の確立, 右派の主導権喪失の原因となったことが分かった。一方, 独青は短期間で排撃されたが, 独青に結集した青年の中から同盟指導者が多数輩出されており, 分析結果から, 独青の結成と排撃の過程で形成された組織間および人的関係性は, 今日も連合や民進党において解消されていない, 「総評―社会党ブロック」 と 「同盟―民社党ブロック」 という, ブロック対立の萌芽ともいえるものであったことが明らかになった。

  • 【一九二〇年代を中心に】
    谷 雪妮
    社会思想史研究:社会思想史学会年報
    2022年 46 巻 88-107
    発行日: 2022/09/30
    公開日: 2024/11/19
    ジャーナル フリー

      Shiraki Tachibana was a journalist on Chinese issues, known as the ideologue for Manchukuo. This paper analyzes the development of his theory on democracy from the 1920s to the Manchurian Incident and illuminates the relevance of Japanese social thought in the 1920s and 1930s.

      Tachibana was conscious of the failure of the classical liberalism and representative politics. He absorbed the discourse of “the right to life” that was popular in interwar Japan, and developed his version of democracy based on it. During the National Revolution Period in China, he highly appreciated Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People, considering it as a gradual “middle course” to realize socialism in China. Moreover, inspired by Sun’s theory of the Kingly Way, Tachibana developed his own version of it, which was in resemblance to the fundamental theory of the “welfare state”, claiming that the legitimacy of governance lies on the guarantee of the people’s “right to life”. Later he used the very same argument that the legitimacy of the governance lies on the guarantee of welfare, to denounce Chiang Kai-shek’s seize of power, and to legitimize the foundation of Manchukuo.

  • 金山 浩司
    科学史研究
    2015年 54 巻 273 号 17-
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2020/12/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    AIKAWA Haruki, one of the prominent theorists of technology study in Japan in the prewar period, put forward fresh philosophical understandings of technology in the first days of the 1940s. He saw the unification of the subjective humanity and objective material in the dynamic process of production and regarded technology as a medium of such unification. By investigating his books published in the period of the Konoe's New Order, present paper seeks to reveal how Aikawa acquired his own idea on technology. It also aims to put the improvement of his thought in the sociopolitical context of wartime Japan. In the first half of the 1930s, Aikawa had a materialistic view: that is, he observed that the nature of technology was represented in the means of labor in itself. Although Aikawa's idea was accepted among members of the Society for the Study of Materialism as one of the possible Marxist understandings of technology, it was also criticized for ignoring the importance of the subjective labor force in the process of production. After his arrest as a suspected communist sympathizer in 1936, Aikawa abandoned his previous standpoint and came to be a spokesman of the war policy of Imperial Japan. We should not regard this alternating process as a simple conversion under the suppression of the Japanese militarists, however. Aikawa certainly made a compromise, but at the same time, he intended to develop his idea on technology by accepting criticism by materialists. In such a process Aikawa succeeded in making his thought a more balanced one.
  • ──第二保守党政治家による共産主義批判──
    吉田 龍太郎
    法政論叢
    2017年 53 巻 1 号 21-
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/05/19
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this research is to re-examine the views of Hitoshi Ashida, one of the prominent figures among Japanese liberalists in opposition parties during the early 1950s, on communist movements. On the issue of domestic policy, Ashida had a critical view on totalitarianism through his career as social-liberal intellectual and politician. Firstly, he declared caution concerning the Japanese Communist Party, which he described as seeking to establish a totalitarian regime in Japan. Secondly, while he tried not to be merely a hard-liner and to introduce his socialized economic policy, he tried to draw a line between communism and his social liberalism. However, he was also very pessimistic about the popularity of liberalism among Japanese people. And his position was becoming marginalized in this era of conflict between so called conservatives and progressives. On the issue of foreign policy, Ashida took a cautious view on the Soviet’s aggression in the Cold war through his active research on Russian diplomacy. Firstly, he accused the Japanese Communist Party of seeking to make Japan a satellite state of the Soviet Union. Secondly, while he tried not to be merely a hard-liner, continuing to think about the possibility of détente and retaining his love to Russian culture, he was cautious about any economic and cultural exchanges between Japan and communist states. However, he remained so pessimistic about the future of Japanese people who he viewed would tolerate communist countries. And his position was gradually opposed, even from the politicians within his own party. He also felt frustration about his social activities, which he saw didn’t attract interest in society and intellectual community, despite perceiving himself as specialist on Russian issues. Through this research, we can see how Ashida was in constant risk of becoming marginalized due to his active but hawkish position.
  • [記載なし]
    史学雑誌
    2006年 115 巻 3 号 438-409
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • [記載なし]
    史学雑誌
    2011年 120 巻 3 号 456-415
    発行日: 2011/03/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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