馬琴初期の黄表紙『大雑書抜草縁組』と、中・後期の読本『美濃旧衣八丈綺談』・『近世説美少年録』との間に、易卦あるいは五行の原理による趣向の継受が見られ、いずれも『美少年録』において集大成されている。これらの易学的趣向は、馬琴の作品とその粉本の白話小説との大きな違いであると共に、作者ならではの因果応報・勧善懲悪の思想と対になる形で、小説世界における事物運行の法則性をいっそう強化した装置でもある。

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プラント建設の進捗に影響する要因は多く, それらの関係も複雑であるため, 進捗管理は, 経験に負うところが多い.今後, 経験のあるPMr(プロジェクトマネージャー)の減少が予想されるため, 進捗に影響する要因を明らかにし標準的な管理手法を明らかにする必要がある.本論文では, PMrが利用する知識とその関連を明らかにし, 進捗状態推定法を確立する.建設を入力(納入品, 建設能力)と出力(出来高, 工数, コスト)の関係でモデル化し, 進捗管理に出力のロジスティック累積曲線を利用する方法を提案する.その方法を利用して進捗状態を推定し, 評価するPMrの意思決定モデルを明らかにし, 実績値と計画値のロジスティックス累積曲線の順位関係と状態表示パラメータによる進捗状態推定法を確立する.

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地理学の語源たる「地理」の語は五経の一，『易経』を典拠とする。『易経』は哲学書としての性格を有し，「地理」の語義についてもその注釈を通し精緻な議論が展開されている。本稿は，初期の「地理」注釈である唐宋の所説を網羅し，東洋古来の「地理」概念がいかなる意味を以て理解され，かつどのように変遷したのかを明らかにしたものである。 唐代における最初期の「地理」には，地形や植生間の規則的な構造とする孔穎達，及び知覚可能な物質現象たる「気」の下降運動とする李鼎祚による二説が存在する。 続く宋代には「地理」の語義も複雑に洗練され，次のような変遷を経る。即ち，「地理」を(1)位置や現象の構造とする説，(2)認識上の区分に還元する説，(3)形而上の原理の現象への表出とする説，(4)有限の絶対空間とする説の四者が相次いで生まれたのである。 これら多様な「地理」の語義は，東洋地理学および地理哲学の伝統の一端を開示する好資料といえる。

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Investigating the manner in which state sacrifices were carried out in local yamens is one way to explain how China's cultural and political unity was maintained for such a long time. This paper, taking the scholar-official Zhen Dexiu of the Song period as an example, examines how officials interracted with the gods of the area in which they were posted. This paper is based on prayers written by Zhen Dexiu. Generally speaking, local officials performed prayers to the gods when they assumed or left a given post, each year at the seasonal spring and autumn festivals, when the people's livelihood was threatened by a poor crop due to bad weather, and other similar occasions. Zhen performed various prayers in response to events such as these, not only to orthodox gods listed in the register of sacrifices (sidian), but also to Daoist and Buddhist gods and saints, and new gods popular among the people. It seems that Zhen himself, as a Neo-Confucianist, preferred the orthodox gods. Still, he recognized the political efficacy of praying to the gods actually worshipped by the people as an indispensable means of winning their hearts. Zhen, however, did not pray to the gods as imagined and worshipped by the people, but attempted to reform them in a manner suitable with the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Accordingly, though the gods Zhen prayed to and those the people prayed to were the same gods, their characters were somewhat different. The Ming rulers adapted Zhen's thought and inserted popular beliefs into the system of state sacritices. However, as his reputation as a Neo-Confucianist became established, a temple where Zhen had prayed for rain would become famous precisely on account of the fact that he had prayed there, with the result that later officials could not afford to take that temple lightly. In this manner the state sacrifices and popular belief, through the mediation of the local officials, had a mutual effect on each other.

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There was a remarkable difference between tai-jian's 台諫 character before and after the reform of government organization in the Yuan-feng 元豊 era. During the first half of the northern Song, tai-jian as the Ears and Eyes of the Emperor 耳目官, hotly debated governmental politics with the Grand Councilors 宰相, but after about this reform tai-jian became, as it were, the Grand Councilors' own man and was used to drive out their political opponents. This article deals with the Avenues of Criticism (Ji-shi-zhoug 給事中, Zhoug-shu she-reu 中書舎人, and tai-jian) in the Yuan-you 元祐 era, to make clear the transformation of the political structure in the Song Dynasty. The first chapter analyzes the character of politics in the Yuan-you era. In this era, a grand empress dowager, Xuan-ren 宣仁, held court from behind a screen and attended to state affairs (垂簾聴政) in the place of Zhe-zong 哲宗, bringing about the following political system. (1)Documentary administration was centered around the Inner Court (内朝). Zai-zhi 宰執 and tai-jiau had access to Xuan-ren, who got the right to speak out on political matters. (2)A system for criticizing governmental politics was established ; Ji-shi-zhong and Zhong-shu she-ren sealed and sent back a proclamation (封駁) for reconsideration, and tai-jian argued against affaires (弾奏), if they considered the politics improper. (3)The Avenues of Criticism, which were to check on the Grand Councilors' authority, had a tendency to conspire with the Grand Councilors. The next chapter analyzes politics in the Yuan-you era, the clue to the rise and fall of the Liu-zhi 劉摯 group. This group, which was mainly composed of the Avenues of Criticism's officials and established a system similar to institution (2)above, conducted the Jiu-fa-dang's 旧法党 politics. After they left this post, Xin-fa-dang's 新法党 people returned to the central government and made full use of institution (2)to impeach them. After this, the activity of the Avenues of Criticism fell under control of the Grand Councilors, and the function of criticizing governmental policies gradually weakened. This was one of the factors leading to a time when the Grand Councilors in the southern Song Dynasty exercised arbitrary power.

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幕末の吉田松陰（1830－1859）は「狂」の思想を重んじた。「狂」は、もとは孔子が説いた儒家の概念で、志が高く進取の気性を有することを言い、孔子の後継者を自任する孟子も好んで用いている。松陰は、「狂」を原動力として、目の前の国難に対し、天子や藩主への忠誠心、愛国心を重んじ、徹底的なナショナリズムを貫こうとした。そして、この「狂」によって、最終的には自身が重んじ、儒家の最も基本的な道徳観の一つである「孝」までも否定するに至っている。本稿は、そうした松陰の原動力である「狂」の思想と実践について、彼が兵学者として社会に立脚していたことに基づくものであることを指摘する。また、松陰の「狂」を考えることは、一般的な道徳的イメージだけでは捉えきれない松陰の人物像の一端を浮かび上がらせることにもつながるであろう。

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The idea in the tsung-fa 宗法 system that descent-line heir (tsung-tzu 宗子) should organize descendants through ancestral festivals in the era subsequent to the Sung 宋 Period is persistent among intellectuals (shih-t'a-fu). This paper examines the attitudes of the Ch'ing 清 Dynasty toward the tsung-fa system. The first problem in relation to the tsung-fa system is section 2 of Sheng yu-kuang hsun 聖諭広訓 of Shih Tsung 世宗. Shih Tsung told the common people that such devices as tz'u-t'ang 祠堂, i-t'ien 義田, chia-shu 家塾, and tsu-P'u 族譜 were necessary for the harmony in kinship. These devices were positioned as the means to realize the tsung-fa system. Regulations with regard to the Sheng yu-kuang hsun were proclaimed in the Ch'ien lung 乾隆 period. The Ch'ing Dynasty set regulations that protected ssu-ch'an 祀産, i-t'ien 義田, and tsung-tz'u 宗祠 on the basis of the idea that descendants should share wealth together: that is to say, selling off their family's wealth was considered a crime. Can we therefore assume that the Ch'ing Dynasty authorized the tsung-fa system? No. The system was denied officially by means of the tz'u-t'ang 祠堂 system, which follows the policy from the Ming 明 Dynasty. However, as mentioned above, Shih Tsung issued a proclamation that a series of devices be positioned as the means to realize the tsung-fa system, and regulations were adopted to protect the device. It is conceivable that the Ch'ing Dynasty, in fact, tacitly permitted the tsung-fa system, although it did not recognized it officially.

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The shifting of the Chinese cultural centre had always corresponded to the movement of the economic core. The southward shift of the Chinese cultural centre was undoubtedly attributed to the external force exerted by the northern nomadic tribes who launched intermittent invasions of the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River; but the favourable water and heat conditions of the south also produced quite an attractive force conducive to the southward shifting of the economic core and cultural centre. Moreover, this attractive force had always existed and was not intermittent. Although it might be said that there were essentially three periods of historical turmoil brought about by the northern tribes' invasion which forced the Chinese to move southwards namely, (1) Tsin's flight to the South, 317; (2) An-Shih rebellion of the Tang Dynasty 755-760 and (3) The collapse of the Northern Sung, 1127; yet earlier on toward the end of western Han and Eastern Han, the turbulence in the lower and middle Yellew River had already raised the surge of southward migration of the Han people. In the same way, the later Mongol's southward invasion had also caused serious damage to the land capacity of the North. Chinese rich historical records are full of such narratives. In the past, scholars studying this problem, including Japanese suholars of Chinese History, had always selected suitable narratives from historical materials, then they wove them together, annotated and elaborated them to form theses or monographs. This is comparatively easy, but could not accurately and explicitly explain the truth. I have now tried another approach to tackle this subject. Firstly, I selected the best historical records to compile pertinent specific maps showing, for example, distribution of population and agriculture, birth-places of various representative personages・・・poets, scholars and prime ministers; and then analyse the process and causes of the southward shifting of the Chinese cultural centre basing on the facts revealed by the maps. I also cite historical records but they are used mainly to supplement explanation or to support argument. The focus of population distribution frequently coincided with the centre of culture. In the middle of the Han dynasty or A.D.2, China had already very complete population statistics. According to these statistics, the population in the south of Yangtze accounted for less than 5 per cent of the country's total. By the time of the Sung dynasty, the population became evenly distributed between north and south, while the distribution of personages also tended to be equal. By the time of the Ming dynasty, the population waq quite densely distributed in the Yangtze delta, while the personages were also located in the same place. The accompanying maps reveal this fact when they are studied together. With text alone, it would be impossible to show this so clearly.

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