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クエリ検索: "篠原一" 政治学者
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  • 賀来 健輔
    環境社会学研究
    1996年 2 巻 148-155
    発行日: 1996/09/20
    公開日: 2019/03/26
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 政治学教科書の引用分析の試み
    酒井 大輔
    年報政治学
    2017年 68 巻 2 号 2_295-2_317
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2020/12/26
    ジャーナル フリー

    本稿は, 引用分析 (Citation Analysis) の手法を政治学史研究に適用し, 日本政治学史の把握のための新たな分析方法と論点を提起するものである。ここで引用分析とは, 文献間の引用―被引用関係の集積から知見を引き出す方法をさす。従来, テキストの質的分析が主流であるこの分野において, アプローチ上の制約から十分検討されていない論点が残されている。そこで, これらの論点を検証するため, 引用分析という量的アプローチを試みる。本稿では, 戦後刊行された70冊の政治学教科書の引用データをもとに, 日本政治学史についての通説を検証した。先行研究によれば, 日本政治学史には二つの転換, すなわち1945年の戦前・戦後の断絶と, 1980年代のレヴァイアサン・グループの登場による転換があったとされてきた。本稿の引用分析の結果, こうした二つの転換は確認されたが, しかし先行世代への引用の傾向について, 二つは対照的な特徴があることが判明した。この結果は, 政治学史研究における引用分析の有効性を示すものといえる。

  • 愛敬 浩二
    法哲学年報
    2010年 2009 巻 16-27
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2023/04/24
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    The words like safety or risk have become the important concepts in the constitutional discourse today. So constitutional lawyers should take the idea of risk society seriously enough. Cass R. Sunstein is the one who took that stance, and criticized the precautionary principle from the perspective of good working deliberative democracy. But his proposition to take the precautionary principle as general principle for risk is very problematic, so we should find the way to stop the over-generalization of that principle. Ulrich Beck developed his idea of risk society into the more general idea of reflexive modernity and he estimated this as the chance for deliberative democracy. But when we read the propositions of the democratic constitutionalists in United States after September 11. we could take risk society as the critical moment for the legal constitutionalism. After all. we. constitutional lawyers, have many problems to be discussed in risk society, so we need the new theory to cope with that situation. But we also should cling to the existing theory and practice, if we want to deal properly with the challenge of risk society.
  • 猪口 孝
    年報政治学
    1986年 37 巻 51-68
    発行日: 1988/01/28
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中村 菊男
    年報政治学
    1954年 5 巻 A43-A51
    発行日: 1954/03/15
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中村 菊男
    年報政治学
    1953年 4 巻 193-201
    発行日: 1953/03/14
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中木 康夫
    史学雑誌
    1987年 96 巻 7 号 1168-1177
    発行日: 1987/07/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 岡﨑 晴輝
    年報政治学
    2016年 67 巻 2 号 2_56-2_77
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2019/12/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    日本の政治学では, ジョヴァンニ・サルトーリの類型論が支配的地位を占めてきた。しかし, サルトーリの類型論は, 少なくとも原型のままでは有用性を喪失している。1988年から94年の 「政治改革」 以降, 政党システム=選挙制度をめぐる争点は<政権選択可能な二大政党制=小選挙区制か, 民意反映可能な穏健多党制=比例代表制か>へと移っている。ところが, サルトーリの類型論は二大政党制と穏健多党制の相違を過小評価しているため, この問いに答えることができない。我々に必要なのは, このギャップを埋めるため, サルトーリの類型論を修正することである (第4節の表3を参照)。この修正類型論を採用すれば, 政党システムをより構造的に分類できるようになるであろう。のみならず, 穏健多党制を多極共存型・連立交渉型・二大連合型に下位類型化することで, 政権選択可能かつ民意反映可能な政党システム, すなわち穏健多党制 (二大連合型) を特定することができるようになるであろう。

  • 篠原 一
    年報政治学
    1957年 8 巻 144-155
    発行日: 1957/03/20
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 酒井 哲哉
    国際政治
    2014年 2014 巻 175 号 175_70-175_83
    発行日: 2014/03/30
    公開日: 2015/09/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    For most Japanese IR scholars, Nagai Yônosuke is known as the most representative realist in Post-War Japan. Given the hegemony of idealism in the discursive space in 1950’s Japan, it is not an exaggeration to say that his appearance as a conservative realist in 1960’s was a historical event. In the studies concerned with political science in Post-War Japan, however, Nagai is usually depicted as a pioneer in behaviorism inspired by contemporary American political science. This article intends to synthesize these two aspects which were hitherto separately discussed, and by doing so resituate his works in the intellectual history of Post-War Japan.
    Chapter I examines Nagai’s works before his debut as an international political scientist. Influenced by his brother, Nagai in his teens was concerned with the philosophical trend of logical positivism. During the Pacific War, however, fascinated by German romanticism, he went further to accept anti-Semitic theory on conspiracy. Given this experience, after the war, he began to be engaged in research on political consciousness with the theoretical framework of sociological psychology and had soon established himself as a promising political scientist. Nagai’s behaviorism owed heavily to Maruyama Masao’s work, The World of Politics, published in 1952. Based on Lasswell’s works, Maruyama had there presented his behavioristic model of political power and suggested the importance of the activities of voluntary associations as a remedy for political apathy in mass society. In 1950’s, Nagai as well as Maruyama regarded his behaviorism as a progressive venture to establish democracy in Post-War Japan. However, Nagai was not a blind advocate of behaviorism. Reviewing Weldon’s work, the Vocabulary of Politics, which was founded in logical positivism, he criticized the scientific assumption of American behaviorism and its inclination to social engineering. Nagai did not even conceal himself from his sympathy with Hans J. Morgenthau’s criticism to social engineering. Thus Nagai’s ambivalent attitude toward American political science was a prologue to his subsequent conversion to conservative realism in 1960’s.
    Chapter II investigates Nagai’s works on international politics in 1960’s focusing on the relationship between his concern in 1950’s. and 1960’s His first article on international politics, “American concept of war and the challenge of Mao Zedong” founded its theoretical framework on his behavioristic political science including key concepts such as “situation”, “institution” and “organization”. His criticism to American concept of war was apparently based on his antipathy to social engineering which had already appeared in late 1950’s. Nagai was misunderstood by his contemporaries as an epigone of American scientific strategic studies. Discussing Nagai’s ambivalence toward scientific approach, this chapter explains the reason why such misunderstandings had occurred
    Chapter III depicts how Nagai viewed the political turmoil in 1968. As an expert in the study of mass society, Nagai was sensitive to the impact of rapid economic development commencing in early 1960’s upon contemporary Japanese politics. Nevertheless, he did not advocate the end of ideology. He rather appreciated the importance of utopian ideas in the post-industrial society. In his article “Why dose socialism exist in America?”, Nagai criticized the stagnant institutionalized American liberalism and appreciated utopian idealists including Riesman and Fromm. Therefore, while adopting conservative realist critique in discussing American foreign policies, Nagai took sides with “utopian socialists” in reviewing American domestic politics. His dual strategy took its root in his consistent criticism to the institutionalized American liberalism.
  • 尾形 典男, 斉藤 真
    年報政治学
    1968年 19 巻 213-217
    発行日: 1968/09/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 新田 邦夫
    年報政治学
    1981年 32 巻 81-95
    発行日: 1982/10/08
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 八木 絵香
    日本原子力学会誌ATOMOΣ
    2013年 55 巻 1 号 29-34
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2019/10/31
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー

     エネルギー・環境戦略に関する「国民的議論」において,世界初の試みとなった政府主催の「討論型世論調査」。これらの結果に接した人々,特に筆者が出会う原子力分野の人々に少なくない感想は,「あれは『特殊な』人達の声で,サイレントマジョリティの考え方は違う」というものである。本当に討論型世論調査で示された国民の声は「特殊な」人々の声なのだろうか。その結果はどう読み解かれるべきだったのか。このような観点から,2012年夏のエネルギー・環境戦略に関する国民的議論を振り返り,今後のエネルギー政策の具現化に向けて,改めて原子力専門家が問われる役割について解説する。

  • 篠原 一
    年報政治学
    1971年 22 巻 iii-vii
    発行日: 1972/03/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 学習院大学政治学研究会
    年報政治学
    1958年 9 巻 147-156
    発行日: 1958/05/10
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 細谷 千博
    国際政治
    1979年 1979 巻 61-62 号 i-xxii,L3
    発行日: 1979/05/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Introductory Notes are divided into three parts: A) Historical Studies, B) Area Studies, C) Theoretical Studies.
    A) Historical Studies
    The following conditions can be mentioned in accounting for the development in the Post-War Japan of the studies of its diplomatic history. I) Expansion of academic freedom in touching upon external activities of the government. II) Accessibility of diplomatic, as well as military, records. III) Application of analitical framework as developed in political science to the study of diplomatic history.
    Several joint works were undertaken in this field. Among them, was the most distinguished one: Japan's Road to the Pacific war, 8 vols., ed. by the study group of the Japan Association of International Relations.
    B) Area Studies
    Area studies, which had chiefly focused on East Asia in prewar days, have been developed in bringing new regions in the object of the studies and in introducing new research methods. There are even theoretical attempts to generalize the political and social phenomena occuring in certain area.
    C) Theoretical Studies
    Theoretical studies in Post-War Japan have been developed under the impact of international studies in the United States. The impact of realistic school represented by H. Morgenthau was remarkably pronounced during the first period (1945-54). During the second period (1955-64), the intellectual stimulus of behavioristic approach of international studies in the United States was so distinct as to make our scholars put their strong efforts in introducing and digesting the new approaches. The third period (1965-74) witnessed new efforts on the part of our scholars to bring an innovation in some fields: I) To identify Japanese characteristics in foreign policy-making process, negotiation pattern, and communication behavior. II) To promote peace studies. III) To make an attempt coward elaborating research techniques, such as content analysis and simulation. A new trend in the fourth period (1975-) can be summarized as follows: I) Increased interest, in particular among young scholars, in the study of international political economy, regional integration and transnational relations. Promising works, which may make some contribution to the development of international studies throughout the world, could be found in the above areas and in mathematical analyses of international politico-economic phenomena.
  • 間場 一
    社会学評論
    1974年 25 巻 1 号 97-101
    発行日: 1974/07/30
    公開日: 2009/11/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 現代日本における政治参加の歴史的前提
    石田 雄
    年報政治学
    1974年 25 巻 iii-xxix
    発行日: 1974年
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―永井陽之助、高坂正堯、そして若泉敬―
    土山 實男
    国際政治
    2013年 2013 巻 172 号 172_114-172_128
    発行日: 2013/02/25
    公開日: 2015/03/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    What is Japan’s grand strategy in the 21st Century and where is Japan’s diplomacy heading now? These are the questions we are often asked by international affairs specialists both inside and outside of Japan. To answer these questions, I am suggesting that the strategic and diplomatic debates conducted in the 1960s, when Japan was looking for appropriate policies, be re-examined. Japanese were looking for the answers to the following diplomatic questions: Should Japan go nuclear in the light of the fact that China succeeded in obtaining nuclear weapons? Should Japan request the government of the United States to withdraw the nuclear weapons the United States was deploying in Okinawa after the Okinawa reversion? Should Japan remain in the U.S.-Japan alliance, or should Japan take more independent course of diplomacy? What kind of diplomatic relations does Japan hope to build with a growing China?
    To review the diplomatic decisions the Japanese government made as well as the diplomatic arguments conducted at that time, this article focuses on the international studies and strategic arguments made by three leading international affairs specialists who had a strong influence on Japanese international studies and on Japan’s diplomacy. These specialists are Yonosuke Nagai, Masataka Kosaka, and Kei Wakaizumi; the latter was also known as an emissary between Tokyo and Washington who served under Prime Minister Eisaku Sato from 1967–1971. Although each of these specialists had different approaches to international affairs, I call them realists because they were all searching for a policy “solvent”—a word Walter Lippmann used in his U.S. Foreign Policy (1943)—for Japan, rather than looking for diplomatic goals designed by ideas or philosophy. They also share the understanding that reading the situation governments are facing and predicting the next move of their opponents are most difficult.
    These specialists had basically the same answers to the questions mentioned above, even though they had some differences regarding how to realize policy goals. They said, for example, that Japan should not go nuclear; the U.S.-Japan alliance is a fundamental base for Japanese diplomacy and security; and Okinawa should be returned to Japan without the U.S. deploying nuclear weapons in Okinawa.
    Compared to the diplomatic problems Japan is facing today, the diplomatic and security problems of the 1960s were more complexly related to each other. By re-examining the theoretical analyses and practical applications made by the three specialists mentioned above, this article suggests that we may be able to learn lessons from their analyses of Japanese diplomacy.
  • 年報政治学
    1965年 16 巻 288-294
    発行日: 1965/11/25
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
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