The purposes of this article are to look at theoretical issues relating to inclusion of cultural minorities, and to consider their implication to normative theory of liberal democracy. We will look at debates on inclusion of two national minorities in Canada; French Canadians and indigenous peoples. First we will follow the history of minority policies since the foundation of British Colonies in North America. Next, we will look at current debates and examine what are at stake there. In Kymlicka's famous formulation, both of these groups are to be defined as ‘national minorities’. Their primary need is supposed to be the preservation of ‘societal culture’, whose core is their native ‘language’. What is at stake is that these groups are to have means of protecting their ‘societal culture’ and communal institutions from violent destruction. Although this has been important consideration, it will be argued, it makes up only limited part of today's debates. Foci of today's debates also include issues such as: recognition of nationhood, redifinition of their status in Canadian history, economic marginalization and poverty, and creation of a new idea of citizenship. It will be suggested that liberal political theories should be reformulated so that the richness of today's debate could be accommodated.

抄録全体を表示

In this paper, the administrative aspects of Aboriginal issues are discussed. Constitutionally, the federal government is responsible for the status Indians and Inuits because of the British North America Act of 1867. Section 91 (24), and one particular department, the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (DIAND) has this responsibility. However, on careful examination, this perception is not entirely correct. Administrative interaction is extremely complicated, and any single generalization may not illustrate the entire picture.
First, when we study the relationship between governments and the aboriginal peoples, we can point out at least seven types of government administration. For example, the status Indians could benefit from government programs such as free education and medical care as long as they reside on Indian reserves. And a band government, which is recognized by DIAND as a legitimate political unit on a reserve, is responsible for policy initiation and implementation. In this case, we can find a bilateral relationship between Ottawa and the band government, and the BNA Act recognizes this interaction constitutionally. However, due to federalism (division of powers between federal and provincial governments) there are different types of exceptions to aboriginal administration in Canada.
Second, at least three policy trends in recent aboriginal policy can be identified: functional decentralization, federal-provincial coordination and native participation. In the past decades, only DIAND was responsible for the status Indians and Inuits. But since the early 1970's, several federal departments and agencies began to provide their services to native Canadians. Approximately, one-third of the budget for the native program is implemented by non-DIAND departments. The federal-provincial coordination covers many areas of service such as policing, education and health care. The Native Canadians also began to assert their views and demands when the native programs were implemented. As these trends indicate, the administration of native policy in Canada cannot be carried out without referring to the transformation of Canadian federalism.
Third, several provincial governments began to establish native branches such as SAGMAI in Quebec.
How do we evaluate the Canadian situation theoretically? Here, it is possible to identify two approaches to aboriginal (or ethnic) administration: liberal integration and pluralism (or special status). The liberl integration approach indicates the eliminations of a special status — no ethnic group would be given special programs or rights by a government, and equality of all citizens as well as all ethnic groups is assumed. While the second approach may not abandon liberal-integrationism completely, a group could possess a special status or right as a result of historical and geographical reasons. In Canada, many Native peoples support a theory of “citizens plus, ” which recognizes the Aboriginal Canadians' unique historical status in North America.
While this paper deals with only the Canadian situation, it seems relevant to examine administrative/policy aspects of ethnic/minority problems comparatively.

抄録全体を表示

After 1969 when the French language became one of Canada's two official languages its sta tus gradually improved. In particular, the Canadian Charter of Freedom and Human Rights, included in the Constitution Act 1982, and the Mahé case heard by the federal Supreme Court in 1990 as a clarification of the charter promoted improvements to the education system for francophones outside Quebec. In other words, institutional support for francophones has been developed especially in the realm of education. While traditional francophone communities outside Quebec are mostly situated in rural and remote areas, francophone communities have been developed in English-dominant Canadian cities as a result of migration. This study, therefore, attempts to examine language maintenance of francophones and development of their community in the Halifax region, Nova Scotia, as a case of English-dominant Canadian cities, based on the author's field survey carried out in 2003, and which included some interviews.
Concerning the demolinguistic situation in Nova Scotia, an analysis of census data from 1951 to 2001 confirms that the French mother tongue population and the bilingual population in Halifax County increased. In addition, age composition among francophones in Halifax County is much healthier than that of traditional francophone counties.
Most francophones in the Halifax region were born in Quebec or the Maritimes, and moved to the Halifax region to work or enter university, and in some cases, met their future spouses there. Because Halifax is the most important city in Atlantic Canada, many departments and agencies of the federal government have a regional office. Consequently, there are many job opportunities for bilingual people. As a result, it is natural for francophones to work in the Halifax region as bilingual. In 1991, a French school and francophone school board was established in the Halifax region : finally the provincial-wide francophone school board was established in 1996. Of course, education is an important factor for language maintenance. However, the francophones in the Halifax region who want their children to keep the French language not only send their children to a French school in the region, but also make them speak French in conversations with the family members. Much effort is required to keep the French language in English-dominant Canadian cities. However, they succeeded in overcoming these difficulties and developing their community.
Previous studies on language maintenance emphasized institutional support such as education, and its importance is clear in this study. However, institutional support since the 1980s in Nova Scotia seems to be belated in rural and remote areas. On the other hand, the social characteristics of the francophones in the Halifax region make institutional support effective.

抄録全体を表示

本稿は、社会システム論の立場から、ナショナリズムの理論を構築し、事例研究に適用する試みの一部である。まずそのために、イデオロギーを自己組織系システムの理論の枠組に位置づけ、ナショナリズムをイデオロギーの下位類型として特定する。本稿では支配的ナショナリズムの交替過程に関する図式を提出して、その適用事例としてケベックの「静かな革命」に先立つナショナリズムの変容過程を分析する。ケベックの伝統的ナショナリズムの特徴、及び、それがデュプレシ体制下でいかに機能したか、それに異議を申し立てる二つの潮流がいかに形成されたかが、検討される。社会の産業化、都市化の進展とそれに適応できなくなったイデオロギーが変容を迫られる過程として、ケベック一九五〇年代のナショナリズムの変容は、説明される。こうして得られたナショナリズム分析に関する枠組は、他の社会の事例の分析にとっても有効なものとなろう。

抄録全体を表示

本稿では、カナダにおける多文化主義政策の先住民への影響について、カナダのブリティッシュ・コロンビア州の先住民族、サーニッチを事例として検討する。そして、現時点において「多文化主義」がカナダ先住民にとって、社会的地位や経済的状態の改善に寄与している状況を評価する立場をとりつつ、先住民集団内においても、その受け取り方は複数存在することを指摘する。サーニッチの場合、多文化主義の政策を活用して経済的な自立をめざす人々と、従来の社会福祉政策に依存した暮らしを望む人々に大きく二分されているように筆者のような部外者には見える。

多文化主義は、「言語」あるいは「アート」を守ってきた先住民に対し経済的後押しをしている。独立し た学校区が生み出され、学校が建設され、教員や職員としての雇用が生まれた。トーテム・ポール等の先住民アートは、非先住民の地域住民を対象に含む市場を創造し、その作品に対する注文は増加し続けている。このような先住民の経済的自立の背景にカナダの多文化主義が存在する。しかし、それは同時に、「言語」や「アート」を身につけた人々と、そうでない人々との間に経済的な「格差」を生む結果となった。

かつて「白人」から銃火器などの「武器」を手に入れた集団と手に入れなかった集団との間で格差が生まれたように、サーニッチの間で「多文化主義」の恩恵を受けることができる人々と受けられない人々の間に格差が生じている。多文化主義においても、結果として主流社会との関係が先住民の運命を左右する決定的要素となっている。

本稿はまずカナダの多文化主義を歴史的に確認する。次に多文化主義が先住民にとって持つ意味を考察する。そして、具体例として、筆者が調査を行っているサーニッチの事例を紹介しながら、多文化主義政策が先住民の人々の間に「格差」を生じさせている状況があることを指摘する。しかし同時に、現在のサーニッチはその「格差」を乗り越えて結束している。最後に、その彼らを結びつけているのは同化教育という名の暴力に対する「記憶」であることを明示する。

抄録全体を表示

カナダの公的年金制度は大きく2 つの部分から成り立っている。ひとつは1952 年に導入された老齢保障制度 (OAS) と呼ばれる非拠出制の定額年金である。もうひとつは被用者や年収が一定以上ある自営業者などに適用される報酬比例年金で、ケベック以外の事業所に適用されるカナダペンションプラン (CPP) とケベックの事業所に適用されるケベックペンションプラン (QPP) がある。これらは1966 年 に導入された。OAS にはCPP/QPP が導入された際に、所得保障補足年金 (GIS) が付加された。CPP とQPP は完全に通算可能で、制度改正については連携することが確認されている。 わが国の公的年金制度は、まず報酬比例年金が創設され、それから国民皆年金になったが、カナダの場合は国民皆年金が最初で、そのあと報酬比例年金が導入された。そして、その際、報酬比例年金給付が無い者、もしくは低い者にはGIS が支給されることとなり、このことによってカナダの高齢者の貧困率は低い。 1980 年代からカナダの経済は不振に陥り、市場原理主義的なマネタリストの影響のもとに、一時、 社会保障制度は拡大路線から縮小路線に切り替わり、所得の高い年金受給者のOAS 年金を削減する措置 (clawback) が出てきたが、2007－8 年のリーマンショックによりマネタリストの影響が薄らぐと、この金融経済危機による高齢者の引退後の所得の落ち込みを防ぐために2016 年にCPP/QPP の給付水準の改善を行った。 本稿では、OAS が創設されるまでのいきさつや、CPP/QPP 導入の経緯、ベビーブーマーの引退とともに人口高齢化の見通しが厳しくなるなかで導入されたCPP/QPP の1998 年の財政規律、2016 年の CPP/QPP の給付改善に触れながら、カナダの公的年金制度の歴史を概観する。

抄録全体を表示