This paper discusses the changing spatiality and movement modes of the 'Henro' pilgrimage on Shikoku Island from 1920-1930. The pilgrimage is one of principal topics in the geography of religion, and geographers have analysed its spatial structure using historical, quantitative and humanistic approaches. For those researching the spatiality of the pilgrimage, it is necessary to clarify the contested processes by which spatiality was produced and the manner in which discourses concerned with modes of movement were produced in order to control the flow of pilgrims. Though pilgrims mainly traveled on foot for religious training, there were no statements concerning the pilgrimage route in guidebooks published at Edo era.
Since the modern Japanese government created a transport system to create homogeneous space in Japan, several transport systems-train, bus and ship-were available in Shikoku until the middle of 1930s. For pilgrims who used these transport systems, movement patterns during the Henro pilgrimage became diversified. However, since the end of the Taisho era, 'the intellectual class' who had hardly previously participated, became interested in the Henro pilgrimage. As a result of this change, the Henro pilgrimage became involved in domestic tourism as alternative form of tourism at the end of the 1920s, and pilgrims using the new transport system and taking casual pleasure in were referred to as 'Modern Henro'.
On the other hand, in 1929, 'Henro-Dogyokai', which aimed to organize pilgrims and provide several activities concerned with the Henro pilgrimage, was founded at Tokyo. Its goal was to enlighten people along national policy and to criticize the Modern Henro because they regarded its style as religiously regressive. Through providing information about the Henro pilgrimage in their monthly journal Henro and their activities, they emphasised the authentic style or way of the Henro pilgrimage, and at the same time they emphasized that pilgrims should journey on foot.
In short, from the end of 1920s to the middle of 1930s, while Japanese tourism or 'Modern Henro' represented the space of the Henro pilgrimage as tourist space, 'Henro-Dogyokai' represented it as religious training space. However, both agents reconstituted the network in the space of the Henro pilgrimage; indeed the space of the Henro pilgrimage was a contested one in this period. Of course, traditional pilgrims-those who had not been admitted to live their village community and could do nothing but carry on the pilgrimage with begging -also existed. In this context, the reconstituted Henro pilgrimage was appropriated within Japanese fascist policy through its articulation with hiking in the middle of 1930s, and Modern Henro' and 'Henro-Dogyokai' were placed within national ideology. The Japanese government coerced people into walking to make proper bodies and to pray for victory in World War II. In this policy, adopting various modes of movement in pilgrimage was unacceptable since pilgrims were compelled to walk. However, despite this policy, some pilgrims refused to comply and some of them preferred to use transportation.

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