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  • 司法改革の政治的理念
    井上 達夫
    法社会学
    2000年 2000 巻 52 号 151-156,236
    発行日: 2000/03/20
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    The political language for the current debates on judicial reforms are dominated by the deregulationist-protectionist dichotomy. I argue that this dichotomy does not adequately capture the pathology of contemporary Japan: the tyranny of intermediary groups that undermines both the rights of individuals and the state's power to seek public interest. Judicial reforms should be part of the larger politico-economic reconstruction of Japan in which these groups are disciplined by rule of law as embodied in the universalistic and fair schemes of competition and human rights protection.
  • 鈴木 絢女
    東南アジア研究
    2015年 52 巻 2 号 330-333
    発行日: 2015/01/31
    公開日: 2017/10/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 齋藤 諦淳
    日本教育政策学会年報
    1995年 2 巻 8-22
    発行日: 1995/06/23
    公開日: 2017/12/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    1. Educational Policies During the 1955 Political Regime Japan's Educational policies after World War II were developed in an environment characterized by two major confrontations: between the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Ministry of Education; and between the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Japan Teachers' Union. This situation arose as a consequence of the political regime of 1955. The LDP assumed power during the period when the Cold War was being fought between the two superpowers, and the war's insuing conflicts divided the world which radically opposed each other in ideology and fundamental policies. Past research on the LDP and SDP has focused primarily on the confrontation between the government and its oppositions, but this paper aims to highlight policy compromises and co-operation among them. Under the 1955 regime, the policies of the LDP and the SDP were not always in conflict when government policies were created through the parliamentary system. The opposition parties were able to successfully pass legislations with the agreement of the government, particularly those policies for improving educational conditions such as improving the teacher-pupil ratio and increasing subsidies for private schools. 2. Educational Policies and Economic Development After the Second World War, Japan rushed into an age of economic development. The educational policies of the government reflected their compliance to the needs of the industries. Dubbed "Manpower Policy", these educational policies met strong resistance and opposition campaigns were launched. Educational policies were the target of opposition movements due to the policies' political and economical implications. 3. The Effect of Baby-boom Years During the past fifty years, Japan has experienced two periods of high birth rate, or baby-boom. Major problems surfaced as students from these periods caused peaks in students enrollment at secondary schools and universities. During the first baby-boom period, 1965-70, Student riots erupted at university campuses; and during the second period, 1985-90, severe problem were experienced at junior high schools whereby a phrase, "Schools at Risk", was born, reflecting the urgency of the problem. In its attempt to find solutions to this problem, the Japanese government formed an ad hoc educational committee of the prime minister's office and plans for educational reforms were proposed by the committee.
  • 古賀 倫嗣
    社会学評論
    1988年 38 巻 4 号 421-430,493
    発行日: 1988/03/31
    公開日: 2009/11/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    わが国の政治過程を考察するさいもっとも重要なのは、一九五五年社会党統一と保守合同により成立した保守-革新の政治枠組をもつ「五五年体制」の検討である。国民経済レベルでの高度成長とパラレルに、政治レベルでの自民党長期政権が続き、「経済大国日本」を実現させた。ところが、六〇年代後半、高度成長路線は大都市における過密と公害、生活問題を引き起こす。こうした都市問題に対しては、中央より地方での反応が鋭く、七三年には東海道メガロポリスに沿った主要都市に「革新」自治体が誕生した。「地方革新」が「中央保守」を包囲するという政治戦略とともに、対話による行政、市民参加といったその政治手法は選挙以外に政治参加の手段が存在することを現実に示した。
    ところで、「革新」自治体の後退は七〇年代末期には始まり、横浜・沖縄・東京・京都・大阪と相次いでその拠点を失った。だが、地方「革新」の崩壊は「保守」の復権ではなかった。今や政治枠組としての有効性を失った保守-革新の図式にかわって「保革相乗り」で登場したのは、「脱イデオロギー」を標榜する自治省 (旧内務省) 出身の行政テクノクラートであった。こうしたタイプの首長を選択した住民の側にも「生活保守主義」という新しい動きがみられたのも、この時期からである、この層は、一般には浮動票層、支持政党なし層と呼ばれるが、彼らは政治的行為の有効性についてきわめて敏感で、どのチャンネルを使えば自己の利益がうまく実現できるかを常に考えるタイプの市民層といってよい。八七年四月、統一地方選挙のさいの「売上税反乱」はそうした一例にすぎない。
    戦後長期にわたって政治の基礎的な枠組であった保守-革新の図式は、こんにち中央-地方の図式に編成替えされ、さらに四全総にみられるように、東京-非東京との対立、「地方」内部の矛盾がいっそう深化している。そういう意味で、現代は「巨大な過渡期」なのである。
  • 久保 憲一
    憲法論叢
    1997年 4 巻 23-44
    発行日: 1997/12/18
    公開日: 2018/01/10
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    In this paper. I have attempted to classify and compare the special features of British, American and Japanese political systems. By ascertaining our 'national character' This paper is hoped to contribute to the way our country ought to be.
  • システム要因と戦争の因果分析
    野口 和彦
    アジア研究
    2007年 53 巻 4 号 37-55
    発行日: 2007/10/31
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to reconstruct the existing power shifts theory and to test this theory using the case of the Pacific War between Japan and the United States. In this paper, I try to show that only the power shifts theory can explain the timing of the Pacific War by using a strong test method.
    According to the realist theory of power shifts, war is more likely when the distribution of power in the international system fluctuates dramatically. In particular, as many realists have pointed out, a declining state relative to a rival rising state has an incentive to launch a preventive war due to its vulnerability. It is tempted to start an early war in order to avoid a later war in an inferior power position.A state in a process of sharp decline might tend to open hostilities against a strong adversary even if the chance of winning is small, because it perceives that there are no other options for survival.
    The opening of the Pacific War between Japan and the United States in 1941 confirms these hypotheses of the power shifts theory. A careful research of the Pacific War shows that the fear of declining Japanese military and economic power led Japanese policymakers to perceive that a war against the United States was the only option for survival. The United States imposed a total oil embargo on Japan in July 1941. This economic sanction made Japan extremely vulnerable because almost all of the oil consumed in Japan was imported from the United States. Without its oil supply, the Japanese navy would soon have been unable to operate and the Japanese economy would have fallen into deep recession.
    The Japanese war leaders faced a serious dilemma: they had to choose between a war with no hope of total victory and the collapse of imperial Japan. In the eyes of the Japanese leaders, a war with the United States was a better option than the end of the Japanese empire because Japan’s navy at that time had a slight superiority against the US navy in the Asia-Pacific region.However, the rapid build-up of the US navy was threatening Japan’s military advantage. To avoid military inferiority in the near future, Japan decided to fight the United States sooner rather than later.
    This outcome cannot be explained in terms of any other domestic factor than the systemic factor.In other words, the power shifts theory provides a unique explanation of the Pacific War.Therefore, the theory of power shifts is validated through this case study.
  • 中野 毅
    宗教と社会
    2010年 16 巻 111-142
    発行日: 2010/06/05
    公開日: 2017/07/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    民衆宗教とは社会的文化的政治的マイノリティーとしての「特徴」と「自己認識」を有している宗教運動であり、その研究方法には指導層と一般信者との階層差や格差、内部の非対称な支配関係などを捉えうる独自の方法が必要である。一試論として創価学会の運動を民衆宗教という視点から、社会層と国家との関連に限定して考察した。農村部から流入した都市下層民に、現世での新たな存在意義を確信させるアイデンティティー再確立過程に創価学会運動の民衆性を読み取ったが、社会層が上昇あるいは拡散していく中で、人生の勝利者・成功者という意識が強調されてマイノリティー意識が希薄化し、民衆宗教としての特徴を失っていった。この変化が決定的になったのは公明党が自民党との連立政権に参加した時期である。主たる支持者である創価学会員と党の理念的距離が大きく乖離し、支援運動の空転を招いた。両者の関係の再検証、再検討が必要な段階に至ったと言えよう。
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