The post of shitsuji 執事, a major-domo appointed to each of the Fujiwara Regency's household governments during the early medieval period, should be an important subject for studying the economic aspects of this powerful aristocratic family; however, the research to date has not been forthcoming. In an attempt to fill the gap, this article attempts to clarify the basic facts about the post of shitsuji, together with subordinates known as nenyo 年預 and its relationship to the Fujiwara family, in order to understand better the latter's "household" structure. First, the author refutes the conventional tendency to view shitsuji and nenyo similarly as persons in charge of general household affairs. While nenyo were before the family's appointment as Regent closely involved in such household affairs as rites of passage, while shitsuji were in charge of ceremonies involving the regents themselves and heads of the Fujiwara and Mido 御堂 lineages. In other words, nenyo was closely related to the family aspect, while shitsuji to the political aspects of household affairs. The post of shitsuji originated during the regency of Fujiwarano-Tadamichi, and was monopolized by the top bureaucratic lineages (meika 名家) of the Kajuji 勧修寺, Hino 日野 and Takamune 高棟 branches of the Taira 平 family. Since prior to the establishment of the post, household functionaries in other than these distinguished lineages carried out the same duties, the author argues that the creation of the post marked the assumption and monopolization of regency household administration by these families and was closely related to their concurrent assumption and monopolization of state administrative duties. As schism ran through the regent family from the end of the Heian period on, it became more and more difficult for branches to uphold their families' traditional pomp and circumstance, forcing them to rely on their shitsuji, who were familiar with the old traditions, since they had been handed down to them through the same lineage generation after generation. Consequently, cases arose in which top ministers of state (kugyo 公卿) appointed their sons to the nominal position of shitsuji, thus becoming indispensable to the Regency in both its household governance and political affairs of state.

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The purpose of this research is to clarify the actual condition of the last word “Tei” (亭) of the residence name that can be seen in the noble diaries from Heian to the early Kamakura period in Japan. In this paper, in addition to the noble diaries featured by Hoshi et al., “Suisaki” “Sankaiki” “Gumaiki” “Kanchuki” and “Sentogoishiburuiki” are newly considered. It is also necessary to compare “Tei” (亭) with “Tei” (第).

Summarize the following research results.

① In the 10th and 11th centuries, I reaffirmed Hoshi et al.’s claim that “Tei” (亭) are few and “Tei” (第) is heavily used. Also, “Tei” (第) was said to be used for the residence of high-ranking nobles, but according to “Shoyuki”, it was also applicable to “Tei” (亭).

② Hoshi et al. claimed that “Tei” (亭) was heavily used from the middle of the 11th century, this was confirmed in this paper. Furthermore, As seen from the cases of residences “Tei” (亭), the court rank of residents was widely as “Tei” (第).

③ The around 1100, namely from the latter half of the 11th century to the first half of the 12th century, it was a transitional period from the last word “Tei” (第) to “Tei” (亭) of residences, Since then, “Tei” (亭) was used more often than “Tei” (第).

④ In the 12th century, “Tei” (亭) was supposed to be dominant, but in “Daiki” and “Gyokuyo”, “Tei” (第) is also used. And there was a difference in the tendency depending on the diaries.

⑤ In the 13th century, either “Tei” (亭) or “Tei” (第) was not dominant, but both were used in the same way.

⑥ In “Gonijomoromichiki” “Chuyuki” “Denryaku” “Sankaiki” and “Gyokuyo”, the owner’s residence uses more “Tei” (亭) than “Tei” (第), or only “Tei” (亭) was used. Specially “Gyokuyo”, that was thought to have used “Tei” (亭) selectively.

In the 13th century, it is unusual for sticking use “Tei” (第) and not use “Tei” (亭) at all in “Inokumakanpakuki”. “Kanchuki” has the same tendency. May be influenced by the personality and writing habits of the writer. It is necessary to conduct detailed verification and analysis around “Tei” (亭) “Tei” (第) or the other residence words, and further expanding the times.

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The mounting occupies an important position when appreciating a work of calligraphy, with importance being attached to the balance achieved with the calligrapher. The mounting may be considered to embody to a considerable degree the "feelings" of contemporaries for the work (primarily for the calligrapher), and it could be said to possess a certain cultural character. But it can hardly be said that research is being pursued in this field today. The aim of this article is to identify the intentions embodied in the mountings of the collection of hanging scrolls belonging to the Konoe 近衛 family on the basis of the way in which mounting cloth has been used.
  Because of losses suffered in a fire during the Enpo 延寶 era (1673-81), the majority of hanging scrolls held by the Konoe family may be assumed to date from the time of Konoe Motohiro 近衛基熈, the father of Iehiro 家熈, and later. In order to identify the scrolls mounted by the Konoe family, I adopted two methods, namely, comparing the mounting cloth of the scrolls with the mountings found in albums of samples of antique cloth and educing the types of cloth that are shared by hanging scrolls preserved by the Konoe family.
  I classified hanging scrolls identified by this means into "works by emperors," "works by members of the imperial family," "works by members of the Konoe family," and "early works," and I examined them with a focus on cloth used in hanging scrolls belonging to a single category and cloth used across several categories.
  As a result it became clear that especially in the mountings of hanging scrolls belonging to the categories of "works by emperors" and "works by members of the Konoe family" cloth specific to each was used, and the family status and official rank of the calligrapher were used as one of the criteria for deciding on the mounting. A further characteristic is that there are many similarities in the cloth used in "works by emperors" and "works by members of the Konoe family." This can be understood as a manifestation of the perceptions of Iehiro and the Konoe family regarding relations between ruler and subject. As well, it is to be inferred that cloth superior to what would have been appropriate to the calligrapher's family status was used in the case of individuals well versed in various arts, and these can all be regarded as important characteristics of the mountings of the Konoe family.

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The style of costume worn by Japanese imperial and aristocratic families at official ceremonies changed during the twelfth century to the stiff kowa 強 fashion, which made it difficult for its wearers to dress by themselves, giving rise to a new occupation of professional "outfitters" practicing the art of emon 衣紋. In the present article, the author takes up one of these outfitters, the Takakura 高倉 family, who replaced the Oimikado 大炊御門 family of outfitters (but exactly when this change occurred has yet to be clarified) and who has yet to be discussed in the research on Japanese family organization (ie 家). Focussing on ceremonies for enthronement, the offering of first fruits (daijo-e 大嘗会) and male initiation (gempuku 元服), the author introduces some newly discovered source materials that enables her to pinpoint exactly when the Takakuras replaced the Qimikados and discuss the way of life of the Takakuras during the medieval period. The first section takes up Takakura Nagatsune 永経, who attired the Jimyoin 持明院 imperial line, and Nagayasu 永康, who attired the Daikaku-ji 大覚寺 imperial line. It is interesting that during the late Kamakura period, the Takakura family split in accordance with the frequent schisms that occurred in the imperial family at that time. Section two investigates the very difficult techniques of agemaki 総角 hairstyling for boys. The art was first possessed by the Tokudai-ji 徳大寺 family, then taken up by the Oimikado family. Then in 1371, the Oimikados taught the art to the Takakuras, when Takakura Nagasue 永季 was temporarily engaged for the agemaki work in preparation for the initiation ceremony of future emperor Go-Enyu. In section three, the author focuses on haku-shozoku 帛装束, the white garment worn at the first fruits and other ceremonies, and shows that it was at the time of Go-Komatsu's enthronement in 1382 that the Takakuras replaced the Oimikados, a change made possible by shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu 足利義満. That is to say, from the Kamakura period, the Takakuras had always functioned as assistants or representatives of the Oimikado family, never being allowed to appear at major ceremonies. It was only due to the wishes of Yoshimitsu that the Takakuras were first able appear in the limelight by replacing the Oimikados in the emon preparation for major ceremonies. What remains to be studied is the role of the Takakura family in outfitting aristocrats and warriors for ceremonies that continued during the transition from medieval time to late premodern times and the Edo period.

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Regarding the problem of where and by whom children were raised, our general belief is that they were usually brought up by there own parents after ie 家 system was established in the medieval era. In fact, however, many were entrusted to foster parents as satogo 里子, which meant that lords committed their children to the care of their servants, both male (menoto 乳父) and female (menoto 乳母). These children were called yashinaigimi 養君. Satogo was different from the same term used for the custom from the early modern era on, when children were adopted by farmers living in suburban areas. This article aims to examine the overall ideas about upbringing and guardianship of children in the medieval era. Children who became yashinaigimi were those born of mistresses, those who could not expect to inherit the household, and those who had no caretakers or guardians for reason that their fathers had died or that their maternal relatives were not in power in the case of the Imperial family. These children were discriminated against and ill-treated, and lived lives evidently different from the legitimate children who were brought up in the house holds of their fathers and were privileged in many ways. Male and female menoto guarded and supported yashinaigimi instead of their parents, or their maternal relatives in the case of the Imperial family. Yashinaigimi lived with their menoto until the age between eleven and thirteen, at which time they were considered adults and thus expected to live independently. Male yashinaigimi usually became priests and many of the females became nyobo 女房. What should be noted as a political feature of this system is that some yashinaigimi, who were basically eliminated in the nomination for succession to the throne, were suddenly enthroned in time of war or by the sudden death of an Emperor. In such cases, the familles of their menoto played the role of guardians in place of maternal relatives. Such a custom, which was established in the early 12th century in parallel with the systematization of ie inherited by the legitimate children, became more prevalent in the late medieval era during which the ie system was firmly established, and was finally transformed into the adoption system of the kinsei era.

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This article examines the role and function of the Rokuhara Tandai 六波羅探題, the Kamakura Bakufu's functionary in the capital of Kyoto, regarding the settlement of disputes involving Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines, focusing on the relationship between the aristocracy and the Bakufu, in order to clarify the reason d'etre and historical significance of the office. After the establishment of the Tandai in the aftermath of retired emperor Go-Toba's unsuccessful military campaign against the Bakufu in 1221, the Rokuhara Tandai was mainly concerned with militarily pacifying disputes that broke out among religious institutions in the capital; but during the appointment of Hojo Shigetoki 北条重時 (1230-47), its functions were expanded to arresting, interrogating and punishing persons ordered prosecuted by the aristocracy, conducting investigations, and delivering orders and negotiating them with religious institutions, as protocols for communications between the Tandai and the aristocracy were established. At that time, the authority of dispute settlement in the capital still rested with the aristocracy as before the incident of 1221, with the Bakufu still playing a minor role, reflecting a spirit of cooperation between Bakufu regent Hojo Yasutoki and Kyoto, so Tandai Shigetoki's involvement in forming aristocratic policy and implementing it remaining a private, behind the scenes affair. While this relationship with the aristocracy continued into the late Kamakura period, changes occurred in Bakufu policy regarding religious institutions that necessitated the Bakufu to intervene directly in disputes involving them. Under these circumstances, the Rokuhara Tandai began reporting directly to the Bakufu and transmitting Bakufu decisions to the aristocracy, as well as officially informing religious institutions of joint Bakufuaristocracy decisions and negotiating them. At this time, in the backdrop of 1) becoming a symbol of fast-track bureaucratic promotion and 2) organizing institutions and personnel into a Bakufu mechanism of control over the capital region and Western Japan, the Rokuhara Tandai was transformed into a close liaison between the Bakufu and the aristocracy, and the locus where consensuses between the two ruling bodies were formed and implemented. The author concludes that the Rokuhara Tandai developed from an individual (family) appointment into an administrative office, whose initial political character evolved into the implementation of law and order in the capital through both policing and juridical activities.

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