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  • 香川 雄一
    人文地理
    2003年 55 巻 1 号 43-57
    発行日: 2003/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    In recent years, social movement studies have been produced by Japanese geographers as well as those in other countries. This is because many more people now participate in social movements, and, furthermore, because geographers are relevant to the analysis of social problems. In Japanese geography, most social movement studies are concerned with environmental pollution. On the other hand, geographers from Anglophone countries recognized social movements as a research object in political geography. These study methods encouraged the investigation of anti-pollution movements in the locality.
    In this study, the relations of the local community and social movements in Wakayama for anti-pollution movements are analysed. At first, urbanization owing to industrialization in the Kasei area of Wakayama city was closely related to the location for the Wakayama Steel Works of Sumitomo Metal Industrial Corporation (Sumitomo Kinzoku Kogyo Wakayama Seitetsusho). With the construction of the factory, a number of issues developed which were associated with the purchase of the factory site and the compensation of fishery rights.
    After the Second World War, industrialization in this area occurred as a result of a long-term rationalization plan of Sumitomo Metal Industrial Corporation. According to this plan, a blast furnace was completed and steel production from pig iron to steel was begun. At the same time, environmental pollution resulted and was reported in the newspaper every year from the 1960s to the first half of the 1970s. Local residents were primarily annoyed by air and noise pollution as well as by bad smells. In addition, statements on environmental pollution appeared before the Wakayama City Council from 1961. These statements are overviewed according to each member of the council. In spite of the frequency of these statements there is little inclination by some members of the liberal party, especially those elected from near the factory area, to focus on environmental pollution. Here we must shift viewpoints to clear a representation of the politics of place.
    Local differences among the areas of Minato, Matsue and Nishiwaki were investigated to clarify the locality factor in anti-pollution movements.
    1) In Minato area, anti-pollution movements were organized in a later period, though this area was closed to the factory. Moreover, these activities were sporadic. 2) In Matsue area, antipollution movements were organized early as soon environmental pollution became evident. Furthermore, those activities were held annually. 3) In Nishiwaki area, anti-pollution movements were organized as a result of environmental pollution following the extension of the factory. At that time, the local community had opposed reclamation work on the coastal zone.
    The differentiation of anti-pollution movements is caused by localities. Anti-pollution movements toward Sumitomo Metal Industrial Corporation in Wakayama city were regulated with spatial scale. Above all, the local community (Jichikai) as a spatial scale performed an intermediate function.
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