詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する: 検索条件を変更
クエリ検索: "鎮西府"
21件中 1-20の結果を表示しています
  • 虎尾 達哉
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 11 号 1985-1996
    発行日: 1999/11/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 白須 淨眞
    史学雑誌
    1979年 88 巻 1 号 25-48,135-134
    発行日: 1979/01/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    The kingdom of Kao-ch'ang under the rule of the Ch'u (麹) clan (A.D. 498-640) was a unique Chinese Kingdom in Central Asia. The author has made a study of Kao-ch'ang's aristocracy from Sepulchal inscriptions unearthed in the Astana and Yar-Khoto tombs, the results of which may be summarized as follows. First, local powerful families were hereditary groups that held posts at the local government level in Chiao-ho-ch'eng (交河城). As a general rule they were only buried in the Yar-Khoto tombs. They formed a group of low ranking officials who could not rise to the fifth fank (五品) and above in the administrative system of Kao-ch'ang. Second, central powerful families were a hereditary group of officials who held posts in the capital city, Kao-ch'ang-ch'eng (高昌城). As a general rule they were only buried in the Astana tombs. They were high ranking officials who could ever rise to the third rank (三品) in the administrative system. Third, originally posts at the third rank and above were exclusively reserved for members of the Ch'u royal family. But the Chang (張) clan managed to rise to Such exclusive posts through close matrimonial ties with the royal family. They were a clan that reached the top of Kao-cha'ng's aristocratic society, occupying the highest civil and military appointments, the Wan-ts'ao lang-chung (綰曹郎中) and the tso-wei ta-chiang-chun (左衛大将軍). Fourth, from the above we can say that Kao-ch'ang's aristocratic society was based on official rank and in principal consisted of ; royalty of the third and higher ranks ; central powerful families of the fifth and higher ranks ; and local powerful families of the sixth rank and below.
  • 関口 明
    史学雑誌
    1988年 97 巻 5 号 622-627
    発行日: 1988/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 外岡 慎一郎
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 3 号 384-392
    発行日: 2012/03/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小藤 文次郎
    地質学雑誌
    1893年 1 巻 2 号 56-62
    発行日: 1893年
    公開日: 2008/04/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 荒川 正晴
    史学雑誌
    1986年 95 巻 3 号 325-362,439-43
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー

    The Kingdom of Kao-ch'ang 高昌 under the rule of Ch'u 麹 family instituted chun 郡 and hsien 県 over an area spanning almost all of twenty and more walled towns dotted in the Turfan basin. However, between these chun and hsien, there was no subordinative relation, rather they were respectively under th direct command of the central government. We may presume that actual responsible persons for management of such chun and hsien were the "ssu-ma 司馬 (chu-che 主者)" of chun and hsien mentioned in "fu 符" (documents for communication from superiors to inferiors). Especially, in the case of chun, the "ssu-ma (chu-che)" seemed to mean the official post of ssu-ma in several government offices ; and the person who was assigned to that post had to be a man of an influential clan in the central area or a particularly influential clan in a local area On the other hand, in the case of chun and hsien, men of central influential clans, including the royal family, were designated chun t'ai-shou 郡太守 (governors-general of chun) and hsien ling 県令 (prefectural governors). However, they not always actually travelled to thir appointed places, that is, an inclination towards absentee designation prevailed. Thus, the reason why a characteristic chun-hsien system was formed in the Kingdom of Kao-ch'ang under the rule of the Ch'u family was because there was a tradition of the organization "fu 府" (supreme municipal government) of "P'iao-ch'i 驃騎 grand general Hsi-p'ing-Chun K'ai-kuo-kung 西平郡開国公" given by Northern Wei to the king of Kao-ch'ang, and when the Kingdom was established as an independent nation at the beginning of the sixth century, it founded new commanding order centered around the above mentioned "fu". In the process of gaining ascendancy over several walled towns, the Kingdom of Kao-ch'ang instituted chun and hsien while at the same time apparently structuring the organization of "fu" over them and assigning ssu-ma as well as can-chun 参軍, the "fu" officials. Ordinally, in order to govern these chun and hsien, we presume that men of central influential clans, including the roylal family, were sent as governors-general of chun and prefectural governors to command the officials of "fur" as well as to bring the walled towns under the military administration. Before long, together with the stabilization of local administration, the inclination towards absentee designation to those posts of governor-general of chun and prefectural governor, was generated, and the actual responsible persons for local administration were replaced by "ssu-ma (chu-che)" of chun and hsien. The reason why not only central influential clans but also particular local influencial clans entered into the official post of ssu-ma in several local government offices, I suppose, was because this post was not only the highest in rank for local officials, but also because a promotion course from ssu-ma of chun to the official post of ssu-ma in central government offices was created. Moreover, though we can hardly ascertain by historical materials, these conditions were assumed to be fundamentally similar to hsien, which had almost the same level of governmental organization. And to cope with the established noble lineage society in this Kingdom, they created, I presume, a certain promotion course to introduce local influential clans into the center, in order to pervade local management with the central government, as well as to build up a new noble lineage under the Ch'u King's family. In brief, from the study of the character of the chun-hsien system in the Kingdom of Kao-ch'ang, We may conclude that this Kingdom succeeded to a certain extent in its countermeasurs against influential clans through the execution of the unique chun-hsien system ; and this was one of

    (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

  • 上代及び上世における
    石井 良助
    法制史研究
    1951年 1951 巻 1 号 120-148,en4
    発行日: 1952/07/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    This is an attempt to clarify the legal meaning of Togoku _??__??_ and Saigoku _??__??_. Only the meaning of the two names as used before the middle of the 10th century is considered.
    Togoku is a geographical name, for which the word "Azuma" was used in old Japanese. But it is my opinion that the word also denoted the indepent state which existed in rivalry with the dynasty in Yamato in the third centry A. D. at the latest, and that this state was mentioned as Kuna-no-kuni _??__??__??_ in the book of Gishi (Wei-chih _??__??_) which, I believe, corresponds to Kenu-no-kuni in the old Japanese records. The political significance of the Taika Reformation lies also in that the dynasty in Yamato amalgamated Kenu-no-kuni.
    The word Saigoku was not used before the sixth century A. D.. But there is no doubt as to the fact that northern Kyushu assumed an important position politically. The book of Kanjo (Han-shu _??__??_) records that there were more than 100 small states in the first century B. C.. But already before the year 57 A. D., a country called Na-no-kuni _??__??_ must have conquered all of them, according to Gokanjo (Hou-han-shu _??__??__??_).The same book says, I think, that Ito-no-kuni _??__??__??_ took the place of Na-no-kuni before 107 A. D.. The area ruled by Ito-no-kuni culturally belonged to the zone commonly called the bronze-sword bronze-halberd zone. There was another cultural zone centering around Yamato. The latter is called the bronze-taku zone. A trend of unification of the two zones arose in the latter half of the second century A. D. The two cultural zones were actually united by Queen Himiko _??__??__??_ of Yamatai-no-kuni _??__??__??__??_. This is believed to be the foundation of Japan as a state.
  • 長部 和雄
    密教文化
    1964年 1964 巻 67 号 1-21
    発行日: 1964/06/25
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日下 力
    日本文学
    1984年 33 巻 9 号 25-34
    発行日: 1984/09/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿は、為朝像がいかなる過程をへて『保元物語』に定着されるに至ったかを見極めるべく、為朝に関する歴史史料類の再検討から始め、物語の表現、定着の時点に論及した。要は、為朝が地方(辺境)という闇を背負いつつ、都での瞬時の活躍という光の部分を共有したことの中に、英雄像としてふくらんでいく秘密があったのではないかとする点にある。その意味で、中世の時代相と不可分の関係において英雄像は誕生したと考える。
  • 高見 寛恭
    密教文化
    1980年 1980 巻 130 号 26-41
    発行日: 1980/03/21
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 北川 建次
    人文地理
    1962年 14 巻 4 号 242-262
    発行日: 1962/08/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    Before the World War II, among Japanese cities ranking high in population there was a large gap between the so-called six large cities such as Tokyo, Osaka, Kyoto, Nagoya, Yokohama, and Kobe and other smaller cities. Concerning the central functions, the central cities in the broad region beyond the prefectural area had not developed except Tokyo, Osaka, and Nagoya. But Hiroshima and Sendai had partly those functions.
    After the World War II, Japanese economy has developed strikingly and economical system of Japan has become larger in scale than before. Consequently, the secondary and tertiary industrial populations have increased gradually. As the results of the population concentration into such cities as Fukuoka, Sapporo, Hiroshima, Sendai, these cities have developed as the center of the large region besides the above cities. Among these cities, the development of Fukuoka and Sapporo are especially rema rkable, which were smaller than Hiroshima and Sendai before the World War II. Fukuoka has gained superiority in conpetition .for establishing the center of the large region in Kyushu. The central functions in Kyushu were dispersed in Fukuoka, Kumamo to and Nagasaki by the historical inertia from the feudal age. On the other hand, the cent ralfunctions in Hokkaido had remove from South to north withthe progress of frontier settlements, and the central city in Hokkaido was transfered from Hakodate to Otaru and then to Sapporo.
    The development of these center of large region indicates that the present prefectural system is no more fitted for the actual condition of the regions and the prefectural system must be transformed to that matched to the large regional system.
  • 大友 裕二
    法政治研究
    2019年 5 巻 123-
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2019/06/08
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 渡辺 秀夫
    日本文学
    1976年 25 巻 8 号 52-63
    発行日: 1976/08/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 木本 好信
    甲子園短期大学紀要
    2004年 22 巻 91-112
    発行日: 2004/03/10
    公開日: 2022/05/21
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 多賀 良寛
    史学雑誌
    2014年 123 巻 2 号 171-204
    発行日: 2014/02/20
    公開日: 2017/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    Nineteenth century Vietnam saw a great expansion in the circulation of silver as a means of exchange under the rule of the Nguyen Dynasty. The aim of this article is to discuss the structural aspects of silver circulation and the relationship among the various types of silver currency which circulated concurrently during the time in question. From the reign of emperor Gia Long, the Nguyen Dynasty adopted proactive policies toward silver circulation, which included the minting of silver ingots, which began in 1803, and promoting the payment of taxes in silver. On the silver ingots, which were called Trung Binh Ngan 中平銀 or Quan Ngan 官銀, the term tinh Ngan 精銀 (pure silver) was inscribed ; and among the other various kinds of silver currency, these official silver ingots were regarded as the standard of value. The many local silver currencies, called Tho Ngan 土銀, which circulated alongside these official silver ingots were of great importance and were used mainly in the mountain region of northern Vietnam, where many silver mines were located. In this area, the Nguyen dynasty set the exchange rate between the Tinh Ngan and Tho Ngan and permitted local people to pay their poll taxes in the latter, instead of the official currency. In addition to Tho Ngan, foreign silver coins called Duong Ngan 洋銀 were also important, and included 1 dollar silver coins brought by European merchants beginning in the 17^<th> century and the Carolus peso minted in Mexico. The Nguyen dynasty permitted foreign merchants to pay certain kinds of tax with their silver coins, and due to their influence decided to mint its own silver coins, called Phi Long Ngan Tien 飛龍銀銭.
  • 山田 佳雅里
    密教文化
    2007年 2007 巻 219 号 73-102,141
    発行日: 2007/12/21
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Takashina no Tonari _??__??__??__??_ is well known to those who study Kukai as the government official in charge of the ship Kukai used to return to Japan. Researchers on Japanese official voyages to Tang China strongly suggest that Tonari led the fourth mission to Tang in the Enryaku period, and although this theory is widely accepted there are no conclusive documentary records to support it and contrary theories appear from time to time.
    Accordingly, there are the theories that he was re-dispatched according to Kaido no Rei _??__??__??__??_ (TAKAGI Shingen), and recently that the fourth ship embarked a year later (UEDA Takeshi, TAKEU CHI Kozen).
    A major factor behind these various theories is that in the Nihon koki _??__??__??__??_ entry for the sixteenth day of the seventh month of 805 notes that the third ship with Mimune no Imatsugu _??__??__??__??_ was shipwrecked. This entry could be (1) misplaced here from the section for 804, (2) it could be that the return voyage is meant, or (3) the views of earlier articles, but there is no consensus.
    In this paper I trace the historical changes in the diplomatic voyages to Tang, and while afterwards explaining the position of such diplomatic missions at the time show that the possibility of re-dispatching a mission or repeated negotiations is extremely low.
    Along with a discussion of Tonari's background, I describe his relationship with the functional head of the government office at Dazaifu (Dazai no Daini _??__??__??__??_) Fujiwara no Kadonomaro during the time from when Tonari was third minister of Dazaifu (Dazai no Daigen _??__??__??__??_) until he was appointed to the voyage diplomatic staff, and the strong likelihood that the passage stating that he was “suddenly appointed to the mission, and did not even have time to prepare for the voyage” (Nihon hoki fragment) refers to the time immediately prior to the urgent re-departure of the mission in 804, when the ambassador Kadonomaro, his former superior, requested his participation.
  • 熊谷 隆之
    史学雑誌
    2004年 113 巻 7 号 1262-1284
    発行日: 2004/07/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The present article is an attempt to open a new line of discussion about the Kamakura Bakufu's functionary in Kyoto, the Rokuhara Tandai 六波羅探題, beginning with an examination of the term itself and a clarification of the context in which the position was placed.The term "tandai" indicated the highest ranking jurist in Kamakura, Rokuhara and Hakata ; however, it was by no means widely used during the period. At the time, the Kyoto functionary's post was described using such terms as shugo 守護 (protector, military governor) and kanrei 管領 (overseer, administrator). It was only during the Edo period that we find the term "Rokuhara Tandai" in a reference work entitled Buke Myomoku-Sho 武家名目抄 compiled by Hanawa Hokiichi 塙保己一. Given the above facts, the history of the Rokuhara Tandai may be laid out as follows. The post of "Rokuhara Tandai" was established in 1221 as the shugo of Kyoto, the imperial capital. Later, as the actual administrative structure of the office was set up, its executive officer came to occupy the position of kanrei. It was the judicial aspect of this administration that the Rokuhara functionary took on role of a tandai. Furthermore, the research to date has considered Rokuhara as a place secondary to the shogun's main residence in Kamakura. However, there is plenty of room for considering Rokuhara as the shogun's main or original residence. For example, the Lord of Kamakura (kamakura-dono 鎌倉殿) was originally dispatched by the emperor from Kyoto to Kamakura in the capacity of Shogun (seiitaishogun 征夷大将軍), and during the Kamakura period the term "buke" 武家 (the shogun and his entourage) referred geographically to Rokuhara, not Kamakura, thus making it impossible to consider "Rokuhara Tandai" on the same level as "Chinzei Tandai 鎮西探題, the Bakufu-appointed functionary in Hakata. During the late Kamakura period, when the Bakufu's control over western Japan became part of the pluralistic system of elites, including the aristocracy and religious institutions (kenmontaisei 権門体制), it was Rokuhara that represented the Bakufu in that system. In this sense, one could very well argue that Rokuhara existed as the headquarters of the Bakufu. The possibilities offered by the above discussion rest for the most part on the place and influence that Buke Myomoku-Sho has and will have in the historical study of the Kamakura period.
  • その方法と実践
    小川 都弘
    人文地理
    1992年 44 巻 5 号 586-606
    発行日: 1992/10/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this article is, based on a postmodervist perspective to attempt to reformulate the methodological framework for multiple-readings of the messages of picture-maps of manors (_??__??__??__??_, syoen-ezu) in medieval Japan. The author's approach, called‘sociocartology’, is broadly socio-linguistical or semiotical. The summary is as follows:
    The syoen-ezu as a socio-legal document in medieval Japan was explored here under five themes: the bibliographical background of each individual syoen-ezu; the cartographic conventions in medieval Japan; the syntax of each syoen-ezu as encoded text; the cartographic discourses in each syoen-ezu; the historico-sociological phase of geographical lore, from the viewpoint of the‘sociocartology’, in which the messages of the syoen-ezu in the context of the linguistic lifestyles and the political behaviour patterns of the medieval Japanese people were studied systematically.
    The primary function of the syoen-ezu, was to provide geographical information about various objects that exist cosynchronously in the manorial territory (called‘Function-A’), to represent the paticular events occuring there and the ruler's political attitude towards such (called‘Function-B’), and to convey not only the ideological contents, but also the ethos that were differentiated from the literal meanings which were manifest in these maps (called‘Function-C’). Function-B and Function-C had been neglected by historical geographers.
    As to the Function-B, using R. Bartes' methodology, the author considered distortions of the cartographic language which were deliberately induced by cartographic artifice, and reformulated the hidden rules of cartographic distortion (J. B. Harley, 1988) in the paradigm of cultural semiotics. On this basis the highly variegated cartographic discourse, made up from various social dialects among the map makers according to differences of the sociohistorical context, was reconstructed from the standpoint of both map-maker and mapreader.
    As to Function-C, the notion of geosophy as ideology of the lord of the manor was equivalent to that of fusui (_??__??_, geomantik) and inyo-gogyo (_??__??__??__??_) originated from ancient Chinese philosophy. The physical landscape of the syoen-ezu was, therefore, not due to what was seen in itself, but something to be reconstructed ideally in the medieval geosophical field. For the God of Wealth and Longevity of the manorial lord, some ideal landscape types and imagined genius loci types were prefered above all as the physical basis of manorial territory to be depicted.
    Reading maps from the view point of sociocartology is to elucidate the politics of meaning according to the manner in which objects and events had been expressed by forms under varying historical conditions. A manorial territory here may be seen as a construction of language as well as a land based novel, of economics, and sociopolitics (Tuan, 1991). Thus every reading of a syoen-ezu will offer us the possibility of challenging received ideas about the politics of place.
  • 吉原 弘道
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 7 号 35-59,142-143
    発行日: 2002/07/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The conventional research on the position held by Ashikaga Takauji 足利尊氏 within the government formed after the Kenmu 建武 imperial restoration (1334) tends to argue that the warrior leader was excluded from all of its affairs. However, Amino Yoshihiko 網野善彦 has proposed that such a view be reconsidered in the light that the Kenmu government officially gave Takauji charge over Chinzei 鎮西 (Kyushu) military affairs, a subject that is now being pursued by Mori Shigeaki 森茂暁 and Ito Kiyoshi 伊藤喜良. Nevertheless, the conventional skeptical view of Takauji's role has yet to be reconsidered ; and his involvement in the Kenmugovernment has by no means been thoroughly investigated. In the present article, the author conducts a detailed analysis of the time from Takauji's turn against the Kamakura Bakufu in the 4th month of Genko 3 (1333) through the post-coup de'etat settle ment. The research to date has tended to look upon Takauji's involvement in the settlement as anti-government in attitude ; however, it is a fact that 1) Takauji utilized his close relationship with Emperor Go-Daigo to raise troops during the conflict, and 2) petitions for Imperial recognition of deployment (chakuto-jo 着到状) to the battles fought in the Kanto and Chinzei regions were submitted to the Emperor through Takauji. Moreover, Takauji's receipt of these petitions stemmed not from any personal ambition, but rather from his position as an intermediary for the Emperor ; and the authority that Takauji assumed during the incident was not personally usurped, but always based on his relationship to the Emperor, and was finally officially recognized in his appointment as military commander-in-chief of Chinju-fu 鎮守府 on Genko 3/6/5. In addition, his investiture as a minister of state (kugyo 公卿) was an attempt by the Emperor to define his position within the imperial court's organization. The author concludes that rather than being excluded from the affairs of the Kenmu government, Ashikaga Takauji was placed in one of its positions of military responsibility, and from the standpoint of Takauji himself, this role was not the result of some move to expand his own political influence, but rather stemmed from the powers invested in him through his official appointment as commander-in-chief of Chinju-fu.
  • 岡部 毅史
    史学雑誌
    2009年 118 巻 1 号 1-33
    発行日: 2009/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the fourth month of Zhongdatong 中大通 3(531), about thirty years after the Qi 斉 dynasty of the Southern Dynasties had been replaced by the Liang 梁 and at a time when the realm was at peace, the emperor Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (Wudi 武帝) was confronted with the question of choosing a successor. His eldest son Xiao Tong 薫統 (Zhaoming Taizi 昭明太子), the crown prince, had died suddenly at the early age of thirty one. At the time, the major contender for the position of successor to the throne was considered to be Xiao Tong's eldest son Xiao Huan 蕭歓. But after the position of crown prince had been left vacant for about three months, it was to much surprise Wudi's third son Xiao Gang 蕭綱 -Xiao Tong's uterine brother and the subsequent emperor Jian-wen-di 簡文帝 who was designated crown prince by Wudi. This deviated from the principles of the contemporary inheritance system, and it has generally been considered that this investiture of Xiao Gang as crown prince, which caused popular disquiet, had its origin in antagonism between Wudi and Xiao Tong and became one of the causes of the political upheavals towards the end of the Liang. But it can hardly be said that there has until now been adequate discussion of Wudi's intentions in reaching what was an extremely important political decision, namely, the nomination of crown prince. In this article, I undertake an analysis of the background to this incident and examine the reasons for Xiao Gang's investiture as crown prince. In doing so, I ascertain the nature of the institution of crown prince from the Qin 秦 and Han 漢 through to the Northern and Southern Dynasties and touch on the characteristics of the institution of crown prince during the Southern Dynasties. I do this because it is to be supposed that, through an examination of the background to and characteristics of this political question, some light may be shed on the distinctive nature of the crown prince during the Six Dynasties and also on the historical position in which crown princes found themselves in ancient China.
feedback
Top