This study examines the discovery and significance of the Daruma sect’s （darumashū 達磨宗） historical record Ichijiketsu 一字訣, written by Butchibō Kakuan 仏地房覚晏 and housed in the Sanzen-in 三千院 temple’s Enyūzō 円融蔵 （Perfect Interfusion Archive）. In 2018, I came across Butchibō Kakuan’s Shinkon ketsugishō 心根決疑, the study of which led me to discover the Ichijiketsu.

We can gather from the preface, postscript, and the main contents of the Sanzen-in’s copy of the Ichijiketsu that its current edition is based on a 1222 manuscript, with the addition of kunten 訓点 punctuation and an explanation of its contents written in a mixture of kanji and kana. This document can be identified as Butchibo Kakuan’s work by the fact that the preface is signed Kakuan 覚宴, and because the work’s author is identified as the 52nd in the same lineage as Zhuo’an Deguang 拙庵徳光, its 50th successor. My claim of Kakuan’s authorship is further supported by the fact that this document and his Shinkon ketsugishō share quite a number of similarities in content.

I will go into greater detail about this manuscript later, but for now, suffice it to say that it resembles the Shinkon ketsugishō in the way it explicates the Śūraṅgamasamādhi-sūtra 首楞厳経, the Perfect Enlightenment Sūtra 円覚経, the Sugyōroku 宗鏡録, and the Vijñaptimatratā 唯識 doctrine. Moreover, Zongmi 宗密 is the only Chan monk mentioned in the Shinkon ketsugishō, whereas Zhuo’an Deguang, Bodhidharma 達磨, Huike 慧可, Huineng 慧能, and Zongmi all appear in the Ichijiketsu, making it more like a Zen text than the Shinkon ketsugishō.

While I have previously identified the Shinkon ketsugishō as the second oldest of Japan’s Zen manuscripts, the Ichijiketsu’s preface and contents reveal that it in fact precedes the Shinkon ketsugishō. By continuing to deepen our understanding of the Ichijiketsu, we can gain a more comprehensive understanding of the Daruma sect, as well as of Zen sects more broadly, in the early years of the Kamakura period. As such, it is clear that this historical document is of exceedingly great importance.

抄録全体を表示

本稿は、室町幕府における武家祈祷体制の確立過程を考察するものである。その際、京都を活動の拠点とするが武家祈祷に編成された契機と、醍醐寺三宝院の武家祈祷における役割の再検討という二つの視点を軸に議論を進める。
第一章では、南北朝期武家祈祷の人的基盤が変化した契機を検討する。南北朝初期の武家祈祷は、鎌倉期武家祈祷の経験者を中心として行われた。しかし京都争奪戦の中で、幕府は所領・所職の安堵を求めて武家祈祷へ積極的に参加したと、密接な関係を構築した。その結果、義詮期には京都を拠点とするが新たに武家護持僧に補任され、武家五壇法にも参加するようになった。
第二章では、南北朝期武家祈祷における三宝院の役割の再検討を試みる。まず南北朝期の三宝院院主賢俊・光済・光助が、武家祈祷上でどのような活動をしていたかについて整理した。そして三宝院は、修法の日程や供料に関する幕府ととの交渉に介在する役割を持ったことを明らかにした。また三宝院の立場は、幕府奉行人の勤める祈祷奉行を支える「内々の祈祷奉行」に相当すると示した。
第三章では、義満期武家祈祷の変容過程に注目する。義満による祈祷への強制的動員やの安堵を通して、義満期には武家祈祷に諸全体が編成された。そこで京都のが、武家護持僧・諸として武家祈祷に編成された義満期を、武家祈祷体制の確立期と評価した。また義満期武家祈祷では、三宝院・幕府奉行人に代わって、室町殿家司・家礼が祈祷奉行として活動したことも指摘した。
したがって室町幕府における武家祈祷体制は、武家護持僧や武家五壇法の人的構成が変化した義詮期と、諸全体が武家祈祷に編成された義満期の二つの段階を経て成立したといえる。また武家祈祷体制の確立は、三宝院の活動とは無関係に進展したものであり、幕府ととの直接的な関係形成を通して達成されたと結論付けた。

抄録全体を表示

Within the very fruitful research done to date on the history of the establishment of Shogo-in 聖護院 Temple as the head-quarters for the main sect of Japanese mountain asceticism (shugendo 修験道), there has been a strong tendency to emphasize the escalation and expansion of efforts on the part of the abbot (monzeki ) of Shogo-in during the 14^<th> century to recruit and organize ascetics (yamabushi 山伏) active on the local level. However, the research has not sufficiently focused on the structural aspects of either the relationship between Shogo-in as manager of the Kumano Shrine (Kumano Sanzan 熊野三山) and Jojo-in 乗々院 Temple as functionary of the Shrine, or the relationship between the former and locally-based yamabushi. The present article looks into these two relationships in more detail through an investigation of the forms and functions of documents issued by the two temples. Concerning the documents, which were addressed to either the Kumano Shrine or local yamabushi, the author shows that 1) they can be divided into three types, 2) changes over time that occurred in them can be detected only in those addressed to local yamabushi, 3) a change in the form of the documents beginning in the 16^<th> century reflects a change in the function of Jojo-in as their author, and 4) the change in document form reflects a change in the rights and duties involved in the appointments which the documents pertained to. Turning to the role played by Jojo-in, up through the 15^<th> century, the recruitment and organization of yamabushi by the abbot of Shogo-in was conducted through the issuance of documents addressed to Kumano Shrine and local yamabushi authored by Jojo-in as the functionary of the Shrine, in regard to such matters as appointments to the position of instructor in the art of asceticism (sendatsu 先達) and the resolution of disputes related to that position. However, this structural organization would change during the 16^<th> century in the midst of economic hardship due the withdrawal of the proprietorships (ryo 領) that had been granted to Kumano Shrine and the abbot of Shogo-in, and the loss of Shogo-in's appointment as Shrine manager. Therefore, the abbot was forced to restrict and revise the authority wielded by Jojo-in, choosing to appoint the leaders of local groups of yamabushi as its functionaries alternating them on a yearly basis (nengyoji 年行事), and thus taking direct control of these groups, while securing a new source of revenue. This kind of structural transformation that took place during the 16^<th> century and began with the abbot of Shogo-in's need to find new sources of income, resulted in a substantive change in organization from one revolving around a Jojo-in/Sendatsu axis to one revolving around a Shogo-in/Nengyoji axis, and, in the author's view, resulted in a new social context in which local yamabushi groups would practice asceticism.

抄録全体を表示

In recent years, particular attention has been drawn to the retired Emperor Go-Uda's 後宇多 promotion of esoteric Buddhism and it surrounding cultural and political environment as the staging ground for the "anomalous (igyo 異形) monarchical regime" of his son Emperor Go-Daigo 後醍醐. This paper discusses the relation between the Daikakuji 大覚寺 line of imperial descent and its "monzeki" (Buddhist temples designated for tonsured members of the imperial family, also referred by the title of monzeki) during the late Kamakura and Kenmu 建武 Regime periods, by focusing on prince-monk Shoen 性円 (Go-Daigo's brother), who was chosen as the Daikakuji Monzeki. Little is known about the early life of Shoen, who is generally referred to as "Daikakuji-miya"; however, the author's investigation of yet unpublished historical sources place him at Yasui Monzeki 安井 (Rengeko-In 蓮華光院), which was affiliated to the Ninnaji-Goryu 仁和寺御流 branch of Shingon Buddhism. Given the additional fact that Go-Uda originally planned to take control of Ninnaji-Goryu, the author concludes that Shoen's assumption of Yasui Monzeki was part of his father's overall religious policy. Then Go-Uda founded the Daikakuji Monzeki, providing it with proprietary estates and sub-temples, and transfered his son to Daikakuji, making Shoen his possible successor. The author also points out that in his struggle with Ninnaji, Go-Uda bestowed on Shoen the second highest princely rank and such imperial household treasures as the cintamani jewel. Moreover, in his later years Go-Uda repeatedly performed esoteric Buddhist rituals for the protection of the Daikakuji line, and had Shoen participate in them to train him for his future calling. After Go-Uda's death, Shoen became the abbot of Daikakuji, supporting Go-Daigo, who sent his own son Gosho 恒性 to serve as a priest at Daikakuji, and the fact that Gosho would later be banished to Etchu 越中 Province by the Kamakura Bakufu and then assassinated shows without a doubt that he was part of the plan to overthrow that military regime. Hence, it is likely that because of its control over a large number of proprietary estates, Go-Daigo depended heavily on the Daikakuji Monzeki in his plans to overthrow the Bakufu. As for Shoen during the Kenmu era, in addition to his performance of esoteric Buddhist rituals, he served as a general on the field of battle. Moreover, after the fall of the Kenmu regime, Shoen continued to serve the Southern Court. Since the publication of Amino Yoshihiko's seminal work on the period in question, the research has been focused on the Shingon priest Monkan 文観, in order to elucidate the religious aspects of Go-Daigo and his reign. However, if one considers the historical developments from the time of Go-Uda, it becomes clear, as this article shows, that it was not Monkan, but rather the Daikakuji Monzeki allying with the Daikakuji line of descent led by Shoen, which lent the primary support to Go-Daigo's regime from within the walls of Shingon Buddhism.

抄録全体を表示

 Shiga-in Temple is a Tendai sect temple located in Sakamoto Otsu, Shiga Prefecture, Japan. While this structure was built in the first half of the 17^th century, ruled over by the Rinnouzi-Monzeki priesthood who were of royal blood, it is currently the main temple of the Hiezan Enryakuji-temple concourse, the leading site of the Tendai sect, and at the same time is a residence for the Tendai master.
 Buildings constructed by Nikai-Syoin, Kyakuden, and Kuri can be found within the precincts of Shiga-in Temple; the Edo period buildings that were previously located on this site burned down during 1877.
 Early research on Shiga-in Temple initially assumed that the site functioned as a private academic training or retirement facility for Rinnouzi-Monzeki at Mt. Hieizan, and secondarily as an officially controlled temple. However, while these initial studies did partly discuss the function of Shiga-in Temple, no research to date has dealt with either the construction or management system of this site. This study uses newly available historical materials in the collection of Eizan Bunko on Hieizan Enryakuzi to clarify the management system and prefectural organization of the Shiga-in Temple.
 First, we demonstrate the presence of three organizations that controlled the operation of Shiga-in Temple, Tendaizasu, Rinnouzi-Monzeki, and Shiga-in Rusui. Of these, Tendaizasu was the top level of a sect denominated from ancient times in Hieizan, while Rinnouzi-Monzeki was the top level of the newly established Tendai sect denominated in Kanto. Finally, Shiga-in Rusui was a worker for an organization responsible for the temple of Hieizan Enryakuzi. Although previous research has argued that the Tendaizasu and the Rinnouzi-Monzeki were unified subsequent to the Edo period, the two organizations were formally at the top level of Shiga-in Temple. This is because these sects were always present in Kanto, while Shiga-in Temple was always managed by a Shiga-in Rusui on this mountain. Shiga-in Rusui was a priest appointed to fulfill a number of duties, including that of representing the temple in external relations, of serving as deputy for the head of the temple when he was absent, as well as managing internal tasks and receiving guests.
 The second aim of this study is an attempt to verify that Shiga-in Temple building was not reconstructed during the modern era. To do this, we used documents and pictures from historical records.
 Our analysis shows that building work at Shiga-in Temple started in 1645, and that initial restoration work was carried out in 1748, before large earthquakes occurred in 1751 and 1830. Documents and comparisons of pictorial records of construction show that six periods of restoration and maintenance work took place in the early Edo period. From 1744, four images provide evidence for this. The first shows the first restoration, and the second, from 1767, shows painting before repairs as a result of extensive restorations carried out by the shogunate government. The third image shows repairs carried out by the shogunate government in the 19^th century, while the fourth is a picture from the Meiji era, towards the end of the Edo period. These images show the extent of restorations in each period up until the present.
 Historical documents and diary materials reveal that repair work to Shiga-in Temple was carried out repeatedly. In addition, using historical drawings, we are able to elucidate the appearance of Shiga-in Temple during each period of restoration work. For example, we are able to elucidate the construction of the precinct from historical drawings, and verify a group of northern boundaries as a Kyakuden, a Kosyoin, and a Kitchen, while a Nikai-syoin is represented by a group in the south.

抄録全体を表示

In the middle-age of Japan, many carpenters belonged to temples and they organized guilds called "Za" under the authority of temples. "Za" continued to exist from the early part of 13th c. to the end of 16th c. They succeeded to "Daiku" or the master of carpenter in order of age and experience. The temples were constructed by each "Za" exclusively. On the other hand, the construction of residences of priest-aristocracy was engrossed by "Daiku" himself and its right was succeeded by his heir. This paper treats of the monopoly for building construction of "Daiku" in Nara in 15th century and is based on the historical records of Kamanokuchi-za and Bodaisan-za which are guilds belonged to Chogakuji temple and Shoryakuji temple respectively.

抄録全体を表示