In recent Anglophone cultural and historical geography, attention has been increasingly paid to modern photography’s role in creating geographic knowledge and to its important role in nation-state building and imperialism. It has been pointed out that the mass production and consumption of photographic images tend to mold and reproduce people’s imaginative geographies. This paper focuses on the practice of ‘the production of landscapes’ undertaken by the Kubo Photo Studio, a local photo studio during the Meiji and Taisho periods in Japan. The production of landscapes here refers to two things: first, the production of landscape photographs as material representations ; second, the production of cognitive landscapes as non-material representations. These two sides of the production of landscapes interact mutually.

The Kubo Photo Studio was established in about 1907 by photographer Masao Kubo at Shingu, Wakayama Prefecture. The southern part of the Kii Peninsula, including Shingu, has been called ‘Kumano’ since ancient times, and is blessed with a warm climate and a scenic natural environment of mountains, streams and coasts. Kumano occupies the southern half of the area inscribed on the World Heritage List in 2004 as the ‘Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes in the Kii Mountain Range’.

Kubo Photo Studio, run by Masao Kubo and his son Yoshihiro Kubo, produced and sold a variety of photography books and picture postcards featuring the natural and cultural landscapes of Kumano. In particular, the phrase ‘Kumano

’, meaning ‘one hundred views of Kumano’, was often employed for titles or subtitles for photography books and picture postcards. Being aware that Kumano was a sacred site deeply revered by the imperial family in ancient times, Masao Kubo dedicated Kumano

Hyakkei

Shashin-cho (Picture Album of One Hundred Views of Kumano) to the imperial family in 1900. While an earlier production of Kumano was based on the national value of the landscapes of Kumano as a whole, one also finds a sort of localism in which landscapes in and around Shingu were implicitly privileged by Masao Kubo. Later, under the supervision of Yoshihiro Kubo, Kumano became the title for travel guidebooks conforming to the tourist view. Nevertheless, such ordinary landscapes as ports, towns, villages, agriculture, and fisheries can be observed throughout a series of Kumano . Various photographic images, produced by Kubo Photo Studio as ‘archives of landscape’, played a vital part in molding the collective view of the landscapes of Kumano, and also in dictating what should be seen and how.

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The purpose of this study is to clarify the characteristics of Osaka's cityscape structure in the latter half of the 19th century. Here we have picked up the “Naniwa-

”,woodprints of the scenes of Osaka published in that time, and analyzed the position of the view point and the direction of the view in each print. Through this analysis, we have made clear that the edges of the land, such as watersides and skirts of plateaus are very important to cityscape planning.

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In this study, the incorporation of such technologies to date in digital heritage is introduced, and production and assessment of contents are done for the purpose of examining the effectiveness of VR image display employing head-mounted display (HMD). In this experiment, a theater in which a large screen was set up inside a VR space was produced, the changes of the eye movements before and after viewing in the theater were measured, and the visual characteristics during viewing were examined. As the experimental images, the “Standing Twelve Heavenly Generals” which has currently been designated as an Important Cultural Property, was presented as a 3D model. Four image patterns were prepared by way of post-production processes, such as varying the camera settings in the 3D model and adding narration. In this experiment, a HMD wherein a line-of-sight tracking function was loaded on the Gear VR made by Samsung was used. Before measurement was started, the method for wearing the HMD and the adjustment of the gaze were checked. In the results, it is suggested that the addition of information by narration exerted an effect on the subsequent viewing attitude, and that participants actively tried to view the parts that left an impression.

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Tohoku Region Pacific Coast Earthquake happened on March 11th, 2011. Due to this huge earthquake and tsunami, numerous lives were lost and the damaged to people’s life style and social system was unimaginable. With regard to landscape heritage, the Takada Pine Forest (Takakada-no-Matsubara) was severely damaged, which is a nationally designated Scenic Beauty spot. It is located in Rikuzentakata city, Iwate Prefecture. The aim of this paper is to define the forest’s intrinsic value, by clarifying the historic process of the formation of the pine forest from the Edo period to the Showa period, and discuss the effects of previous large tsunamis (Tempo Sanriku Tsunamiin 1835, Meiji Sanriku Tsunami in 1896, Showa Sanriku Tsunami in 1933, Chili Tsunami in 1960), as well as the current value and future vision of this historically scenic area. From the results of document analysis and field surveys, we led that the Takada Pine Forest has been developed and managed by local people’s activities since the 17th century. This has been passed down over many generations. Therefore, it can be said that the Takada Pine Forest has never lost its intrinsic value and has kept its potential worth, as long as the will to preserve and rehabilitate the forest will continue existing from generation to generation.

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Broadcasting stations store a large volume of TV programs and manage them in their archives. To enable such programs to be used effectively, the technique for analyzing what is depicted in each scene plays a crucial role. TV programs often contain typical scenes which are used for specific purposes. This paper proposes a novel method of detecting such typical scenes by analyzing the context of closed captions. The proposed method handles a huge number of text features extracted from the closed captions through its use of a Monte Carlo based boosting algorithm. In experiments, we classified text segments extracted from the closed captions as to whether or not the corresponding scene is typical one. The results confirmed that our method classified with comparable accuracy to a conventional method using the AdaBoost algorithm and achieved a dramatic reduction in the learning time.

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 From ancient times, mountains have been worshiped in Japan. Mt. Fuji is archetypal and the stone huts that served its pilgrims can be regarded as the original form of current mountain huts. Nowadays, since Mt. Fuji is a world cultural heritage site, its huts are required to be historically based. We examined historical materials, held interviews and conducted field surveys on the Yoshida trail to investigate their development. Great numbers of pilgrims who belonged to Fuji-ko societies made worship ascents from the trail.
 In the late Muromachi era, the Chugu shrine was built halfway up Mt. Fuji's Yoshida trail. Around the shrine, the oshi (owners), who controlled the worship practices there, managed 18 huts, assisted by their servants, the hyakusho. At the huts, called Chugu koya, they collected admission fees from the pilgrims, enshrined gods and the Buddha, sold water and offered resting spots. Eventually, the recognition of worship changed, and huts could be built above the 5th station on the Yoshida trail. These, called “ishimuro” (stone huts) might have developed from small shrines or temples into accommodations by adding water and fire places or expanding resting rooms to be like the Chugu koya huts. These stone huts already existed in the early Edo era before Fuji-ko flourished. They were concentrated around the boundaries of Mt. Fuji's religious areas, “Kusayama, ” “Kiyama” and “Yakiyama”, and where trails met. The current mountain huts sit in almost the same locations as the huts in the late Edo era.
 Travel guidebooks for Mt Fuji from that time state that the wooden huts located below the 5th station were for resting and stone huts higher up were for accommodations. There were 2 types of stone huts. Some were spontaneous “cave” type huts that began as religious training places. Other were artificial “building” type huts. The building huts were hirairi, wooden frame structures with cinders piled on the kiritsuma roof and around the walls. They had 1 or 2 entrances facing the trail. Some had a separated shrine and others had a shrine somewhere inside the hut that faced the trail or the interior room floored with tatami mats.
 The stone huts were shrines or temples and also shelters. The Chugu koya huts were located in the woods (Kiyama) but the stone huts above the 5th station were in the harsh mountain environment (Yakiyama). Based on our knowledge of the Chugu koya huts, the wooden huts had cinders piled on their roofs and around the walls and came to be the stone huts. These were built to protect against the harsh environment using cinders that were abundant in the Yakiyama area. Around the 5th station, on the edge of the forest, the buildings developed into a style intermediate between the wooden and stone huts.
 The width of the stone huts gradually expanded in the ketayuki, or ridge direction along the trail rather than in depth (hariyuki, beam direction) to suit being built on sloping ground. With breadths set to be reminiscent of shrines, the stone huts were 2 ken wide × 2 ken deep or 3 ken wide × 2 ken deep in the middle Edo era, growing to 5 to 8 ken wide × 2.5 ken deep in the latter part of the era. Oshi and hyakusho owned these huts, which might have been built by the hyakusho themselves or partly donated by Fuji-ko.
 As with the Chugu koya huts, equality among the stone huts was regarded as important by the oshi and hyakusho. They followed specific rules about the management of the stone huts and might have controlled their size and uniformity.

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 From ancient times, mountains have been worshiped in Japan. Mt. Fuji is archetypal, and the huts that served its pilgrims can be regarded as the original form of current mountain huts. Since Mt. Fuji became a World Cultural Heritage site, its huts are required to be historically based. We examined and confirmed the establishment and form of Mt. Fuji's mountain huts, specifically, the stone huts on the Yoshida trail. They were built in the early Edo era and developed with the flourish of worship ascents by Fuji-ko societies. Then, we expanded our scope to the Omiya-Murayama, Suyama and Subashiri trails that were mainly used with the Yoshida trail since the Middle Ages. They have their own geographical and historical backgrounds. We examined historical materials and clarified the owners, location and form of the mountain huts (teahouses and stone huts) on each trail and the summit they serviced. We focused on these huts in relation to three areas on Mt. Fuji: Kusayama, Kiyama and Yakeyama.
 The huts were owned by Murayama Sanbo (three lodges for priests) on the Omiya-Murayama trail and by each village's oshi at the foot of Mt. Fuji on the other trails. Hyakusho managed and built the huts. On the summit, there were two temples surrounded by stone huts. Dainichido temple was managed by Murayama Sanbo and Yakushido temple by Subashiri villagers. Bids were taken for management of the stone huts in the latter.
 On each trail, the teahouses were in the Kusayama and Kiyama areas and the stone huts were in the Yakeyama area. On three trails excluding Yoshida, stations 1 to 9 were established to conduct mountain ascetic practices on Yakeyama. This suggests that Yakeyama was the most sacred and harshest environment, resulting in being referred to as the “Honzan” (main mountain of worship ascents). The huts were planned and built after natural disasters, such as the Hoei eruption and avalanches, or before Koshingoennen (a special year celebrated every 60 years) by the rulers, Murayama Sanbo and oshi. We found similarities of huts' location between the Omiya-Murayama and Suyama trails flourished till the early Edo era by Shugen-do, and the Subashiri and Yoshida trails flourished in the late Edo era by Fuji-ko.
 Depending on the trail, the teahouses had the same roofs as temples and shrines or houses in the village at the foot of Mt. Fuji. The Omiya-Murayama and Yoshida trails were managed by bo or oshi, a type of priest, and the Suyama and Subashiri trails were managed by oshi who belonged to the hyakusho class. The teahouses were made of the same materials and shapes used by the rulers' class or the villages they dominated. The scenery of the villages was continuously expanded to Kusayama and Kiyama. On the other hand, the stone huts in Yakeyama had the same form on all the trails. They had a wooden frame structure, hirairi, piled up cinders on the kiritsuma roof and around the walls and one or two entrances facing the trail. They came into sight on the boundary of Kiyama and Yakeyama, and their forms were unified like the mountain itself. Not only was the form of the stone huts unusual, but the way in which they came into being, with each owner locating and preparing suitable sites in three areas, made the stone huts a symbol of worship ascents on Mt. Fuji. In addition, about 8-16 stone huts on the summit that were used not as lodgings, but as teahouses, were lined with a tsumairi façade. It created a unique scene that was not seen on the trails.

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 From ancient times, mountains have been worshiped in Japan. Mt. Fuji is archetypal, and the stone huts that served its pilgrims can be regarded as the original form of current mountain huts. Nowadays, since Mt. Fuji is a World Cultural Heritage site, its huts are required to be historically based. Although some historical materials describe the stone huts that existed from the Edo to the beginning of the Showa era, the changes stone huts underwent during the era of tourism after the establishment of Fuji Hakone National Park remain unclear. To investigate these changes, we examined historical materials, held interviews, and conducted field surveys on the Yoshida trail, from where great numbers of pilgrims who belonged to Fuji-ko societies made worship-ascent.
 In Showa 6, the National Park Act was established to preserve the natural landscape, promote the welfare of the people, and attract foreign tourists. In Taisho 12, Mt. Fuji became a candidate for inclusion into the park. Yamanashi Prefecture and local people embarked on campaigns to establish the park and increase tourism. In Showa 11, Fuji Hakone National Park was established. During the Pacific War, national parks were used as training grounds. An increase in the number of climbers training and ascending Mt. Fuji to pray for victory was observed. Under these conditions, the stone huts that seemed to have kept their original form since the Edo era underwent gradual changes. Traditionally, huts had a wooden frame structure and were covered with wooden boards. Stones were piled on the roof and around the walls, which had one or two sweep-out windows. From the prewar to the postwar period, almost all stone huts changed their fa?ade by incorporating waist-high windows. Furthermore, some of the piled-up stones were removed on about half of the huts, and exposed wooden boards were either covered or replaced with galvanized iron.
 About 3 years after the war, tourism in Yamanashi Prefecture returned to prewar levels. In Showa 27 and 39, a mountain bus line and the Fuji Subaru Line (a motorway) serviced the fifth station, dramatically changing the approach to climbing Mt. Fuji on the Yoshida trail. The wooden huts and sections of the trail below the fifth station fell into disrepair, while more than half of the stone huts above the fifth station were either newly constructed or renovated. The traditional floor plan of the stone huts had a main room (hiroma), which had wooden floors and a fireplace. The newer huts had larger dimensions and eave heights compared with huts at the end of the Edo era. Three patterns of change were evident. First, new huts were built with a roof truss structure (yogoya). Second, the new huts were built beside traditional stone huts with Japanese-style roof structures (wagoya). Third, stone huts were renovated. Almost all of the stone huts introduced the roof truss structure to allow for an open floor plan, waist-high windows for an open fa?ade, double bunks to accommodate more climbers, and new facilities, such as water filtration systems and curtains to ensure the safety and privacy of climbers.
 A questionnaire survey in Showa 30 showed that only 2% of climbers were on religious pilgrimages, indicating that the changes to the stone huts were in response to the growing tourism industry. In the Edo era, stone huts were a kind of symbol of Mt. Fuji religious pilgrimages; however, in the early Showa era of tourism, the owners of the stone huts removed the stones as they modernized their huts.

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 From ancient times, mountains have been worshiped in Japan. Mt. Fuji is archetypal, and the stone huts that served its pilgrims can be regarded as the original form of current mountain huts. Nowadays, since Mt. Fuji is a World Cultural Heritage site, its huts are required to be historically based. Although some historical materials describe the stone huts that existed during the Edo era, the changes stone huts underwent during the era of great transition from worship-ascent to alpinism remain unclear. To investigate these changes, we examined historical materials, held interviews, and conducted field surveys on the Yoshida trail, from where great numbers of pilgrims who belonged to Fuji-ko societies made worship-ascent.
 At the start of the Meiji era, although Fuji-ko was reorganized after the separation of Shinto and Buddhism, stone hut owners, who had recorded the location and scale of each hut since the late Edo era, were still permitted to manage them under the Yamanashi prefectural governor. Since the middle of the Meiji era, railway lines to the foot of Mt. Fuji were gradually connected. By increasing the number of climbers, and even pilgrims, Yamanashi and Shizuoka Prefectures issued regulations for individuals living on the mountain to ensure the safety of climbers and improve sanitation. Chiyozaburo Takeda, the Yamanashi prefectural governor, then decided to repair the trail and renovate some facilities, especially at the eighth station, to make Mt. Fuji an international tourist site. In Meiji 40th (1907), one stone hut was renovated into a post office, a police box, and a first aid station, and the other two into lodgings. A model lodging designed by government engineers, the Fujisan Hotel, was then built. It had a completely different appearance from stone huts (structure, lighting and ventilating facilities, two berths, etc.). With cooperation between the government and some local citizens, the Fujisan Hotel was realized as modern architecture. Some oshi and locally influential people responded to Takeda by founding a stock company to manage the huts at the eighth station. The former had quickly changed their shukubo to ryokans, and the latter had built a fortune in business from the Edo era. As a model, Takeda had expected other stone huts to develop independently, but this did not go as planned.
 By the end of the Taisho era, the stone hut sites where trails met at the fifth, sixth, and the eighth stations were expanded. Although the size of these huts may also had changed, many seem to have retained their forms from the late Edo era. On the other hand, at the seventh station, where no trails met, only one-third of the stone huts expanded their sites, in particular, the one hut had changed the facade with no cinders stacked around the wall, i.e. more open. These changes were managed by the owners of the stock company. In addition, around the time of the Great Kanto Earthquake in Taisho 12th (1923), a mountain hut and a post office were built at the eighth station, and a king post was introduced by the owner of the Fujisan Hotel. Through the Taisho era, these changes were led by those concerned with the stock company at the eighth station.
 During the Edo era, oshi and their servants, hyakusho, owned and managed the stone huts. During the Meiji and Taisho eras, people had different positions and ideas compared with past owners; in other words, extrinsic motivation changed the old customs and opened the door to modernization. In this way, the equalities among the stone huts maintained by oshi and hyakusho during the Edo era might have been lost.

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