There has been an exponential rise in reported cases of rape in Nigeria during the COVID-19 lockdown. On the 12th of June 2020, the governors of Nigeria's 36 states declared a state of emergency on rape following a spate of sexual violence. Despite the widespread outcry over the rising cases of rape in Nigeria, there seems to be no end to the crime. This study examines the factors that have led to the increase in rape in Nigeria and recommends how the crime can be addressed. This study is purely qualitative. Analysis of the responses demonstrated that despite the submissions that the current scourge in rape is caused by economic insecurities and mental instability of perpetrators, the government had not shown any serious commitment towards ending the menace. The result indicates that the laws on rape are inadequate, law enforcement agencies have failed to address women's plight and that the Nigerian laws on rape are not punitive enough to deter the perpetrators to the extent that women now rape women and men rape men. The essay concludes with a series of policy recommendations addressing the multifaceted problems of sex crimes in the middle of COVID-19.

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症例は69歳の男性で，刑務所服役中に自室で意識障害で発見された．全失語，右片麻痺を認め，CT/MRIでは左中大脳動脈領域脳梗塞であった．保存的加療により意識障害，片麻痺はやや改善したが，失語は残存した．服役中であり，家族へは連絡せず，常に刑務官により拘束され，放射線検査以外はリハビリも個室内で行った．保険加入はなく，全額自費，刑務所負担であり，治療内容は病院に任されたが，転院は刑務所の都合で決められた．刑事収容施設および被収容者等の処遇に関する法律には受刑者も適切な医療を受ける権利があるとされるが，入院などは刑務所所長の権限とされている．本症例の医療倫理を考察すると，患者本人に意識障害，失語があるため，自己決定権が行使できず，利益，無害，正義も入院中は病院任せで，転院では倫理は守られていなかった．受刑者では発症前の本人の希望，living willの確認記録，受刑者に対する倫理的対応の診療ガイドライン整備が必要であろう．

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This paper examines the menace of sexual violence in Nigeria in relation to the socio-political violence that has plagued the nation. Engaging Fanon’s postulations on violence in his postcolonial theory as a framework, the paper examines the multidimensional phases of ‘rape’, especially rape of human body and socio-political rape in Nigeria as exemplified in Soji Cole’s Embers (2018). It identifies various socio-cultural and psychological myths surrounding the growing cases of sexual abuse in Nigeria and draws the connection between rape of human body and rape of human rights and its attendant consequences on Nigerian society. Hence, the paper contends that sexual violence as an offshoot of socio-political violence is associated with the contravention of democratic confidence reposed in the people at the helm of affairs by their subjects. While the paper finds infraction of trust in multifarious rape cases, it concludes that radical measures, including breaking of fear and silence, as well as appropriate prosecution of the offenders, should be taken in checkmating the menace and its attendant impact on Nigeria’s value system.

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The influx of migrants from former East Pakistan and present Bangladesh has been one of the most debated issues in Assam, one of Indiaʼs northeastern states. Assam’s National Register of Citizens (NRC) was first created in 1951 to identify illegal migrants. The need to update NRC has been evident since the 1980s when the movement against illegal migration began to grow in Assam.

The Supreme Court ordered an update in 2013, and a complete draft was published in July 2018. The names of four million citizens were left off the list. It was anticipated, particularly among the pan-Indian media, that the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), known for its right-wing Hindu nationalism, would use this updated NRC to ostracize Muslims in the state. However, to date, most groups, including Muslim organizations in Assam, have supported the NRC update process.

At the same time, there have been widespread reports regarding the appalling human rights situation of people designated as “foreigners” by Assamʼs Foreigners Tribunals and detained in detention centers since 2018. There are currently 1,037 people being indefinitely detained in detention centers. Since 2017, more than 13,000 people in Assam have been designated as “foreigners,” including many citizens without proper documentation. Also it is illegal for foreigners to stay without proper passport/visa. But the government does not have the logistics to deport such a large number, and it is unlikely that the Government of Bangladesh will accept them.

Based on fieldwork and a historical analysis of Assam, this presentation seeks to identify the human rights violations being committed against these migrants and people of migrant origins and how the process of updating the NRC affects them.

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Sanitation value chain (SVC) is related to a sanitation system which includes social, cultural, financial and technical systems as well as values of inhabitants and societies. SVC has some new frames added in the sanitation regime. SVC aims to bring better hygiene, resource recycling, well-being, etc. to inhabitants in society. Some methods to promote SVC, however, may cause a sort of trade-off problems. In this study, the relation between income increase and fixation of stratification in society which sometimes related to a gender problem, inequality on the time of the introduction of SVC which is an ethical problem to ensure the equity of inhabitants in society, and independence on and subordination to global economy in SVC operation are discussed and some solutions of these problems are explained. Since SVC should be heading to sustainable society, some measures to keep its continuity are also discussed such that the stability of SVC in developing stage of a society is under inhabitants’ decision making which is under the control of human nature.

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The paper seeks to explain three episodes of political violence in post-war Burma, Indonesia and the Philippines. It argues that in the tense and pointed post-war competition between state actors and social challengers, a strategic calculus governed relationships among different political authorities, and between different authorities and social forces. The state and its challengers examine the particular currency of power and advance to assess who poses threats, and in what ways, to their various plans for political advance. To validate this argument, the paper examines the social foundations of colonial rule and nationalism, the different modes of transition to independence, and the various engines of upward political mobility after independence.

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Since 2002, Uganda has been trying to find a durable solution to the Rwandan refugee issue without success. Despite various attempts at (in)voluntary repatriation, the majority refuse to return. Resettlement is not possible, and local integration is yet to be explored. Simultaneously, the recommendation for the cessation of refugee status by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has not addressed the problem. We analysed the prospects and challenges of granting East African citizenship to Rwandan refugees by issuing East African Community (EAC) passports or residence permits that would give them freedom of mobility, residence, and employment in the EAC in accordance with the Common Market Protocol. Searching for a durable solution at the EAC level comes at a time when efforts to establish the East African federation continue. This has the potential to end one of the most protracted refugee situations, promoting the rights of Rwandan refugees, and enhancing people-centred regional integration.

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Global education is a specialized field which aims to help students acquire the knowledge, skills, and attitudes needed to survive and thrive in a global age. As an approach to language teaching, it involves integrating a global perspective into the design of teaching materials through a focus on global issues and international themes as well as concepts such as social responsibility, international understanding, and world citizenship. Global education emphasizes meaningful engagement with real-world topics and draws on ideas from content-based instruction. It encourages classroom teachers and textbook writers to experiment with global education materials and to explore resources from fields such as peace education, human rights education, and environmental education. It has also led to new thinking about the social responsibility of language teachers, textbooks, and curricula in a world of inequality, poverty, prejudice, and pollution. This paper gives a brief introduction to the field of global education, outlines its relevance to English language teaching, and describes key features of a global education approach to designing content-based EFL materials. It outlines global education criteria for analysing EFL textbooks, discusses problematic textbook content, and surveys the resources available to teachers who wish to add a global dimension to their classroom materials.

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For some reason, modern European nations have traditionally presented themselves as having a lot of rich and important history, much of it portrayed as being “international” in terms of cultural impact and wider global significance. Today, much of this history appears to be far more controversial than many comfortable national-popular narratives have acknowledged. This article explores how Europe is increasingly being forced to confront more negative and painful dimensions to its past; this involves deeper societal engagement with entangled legacies that are best defined as “difficult histories”. The Netherlands is presented as a central case-study, which explores how two difficult chapters in national history are caught up in debates about memory, commemoration, national identity and new forms of cultural diversity. The overarching goal of the paper is to stimulate deeper reflection on the challenges and opportunities generated by renewed engagement with the kinds of complex historical legacies that are shared, in one form or another, by all nations of the world.

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After political democratization in South Korea and the Doi Moi reforms of Vietnam started and proceeded concomitantly from the late 1980s, South Korea and Vietnam formally resumed diplomatic relations in 1992, and have been rapidly strengthening their political, economic, as well as cultural ties ever since then. This special issue will look into various aspects of relations between South Korea and Vietnam from both contemporary and historical perspectives; by doing so, it intends to cast a new light on the complex layers of dynamism in East and Southeast Asian regions from a perspective that may not be reduced solely to China and U.S. contexts. Moreover, three of the articles included in this issue were presented at a joint-symposium titled “Interdependency of Korea, Japan and Southeast Asia: Migration, Investment and Cultural Flow,” organized by the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University and the Korean Association of Southeast Asian Studies, and held at Gyeongsang National University, Jinju City, in June 2009. Considering the growing interest in Southeast Asian Studies in South Korea, we hope that this issue will contribute to further collaboration between Korean, Japanese and Southeast Asian scholars working in the field of Southeast Asian Studies.

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Malaysia is a common law country, and as such the decisions of its courts have a binding and law-making force. This means that the Malaysian judiciary is highly influential in setting the tenor of governance. In this article I examine and analyze some key decisions that had an influence on divisiveness and dissent in the country. I point out that the courts have been poor in ensuring that the legal system protects the nation from divisive elements, and the legal system does not do enough to guarantee the fundamental rights and democratic principles that were envisioned by the founding fathers for the citizenry. The article closes with an attempt to understand why this is the case.

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The peace agreement for Aceh included standard post-conflict measures, such as a human rights court and a truth and reconciliation commission (TRC). Why were they neglected? If they were going to be neglected, why did the negotiators initially agree on them instead of choosing amnesty or nothing? I argue that their nature as preemptive policies is key to understanding why they were introduced but not implemented. Preemptive transitional justice policies are adopted when reluctant policymakers attempt to trump "tougher" options with more acceptable alternatives, such as the following preemption in reformasi Indonesia: a domestic human rights court against an international tribunal, and reconciliation through amnesty against a domestic court. Preemptive policies are also mobilized to redirect pressure for other goals, such as a referendum for independence in reformasi Aceh. The process whereby preemptive policies were practically disabled in post-authoritarian Indonesia crucially influenced the non-implementation of transitional justice mechanisms in post-conflict Aceh. Meanwhile, aid measures have been implemented since the reformasi period, originally as attempts of preemption against the demands of the local society, and later as a less costly alternative to justice and truth.

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This study examines the ways in which the Middle East and the Israeli question were placed in debates over US Cold War foreign policy in the late 1960s and early 1970s. This period constituted a critical moment when alternatives to the Cold War seemed possible. A broad Cold War consensus, which had been dominant in American political culture for decades, began facing severe criticism because of the US quagmire in Vietnam, and Congressional activism grew in response to the war. Anti-Vietnam War Congressmen and women claimed that the war was not exceptional but a logical consequence of a Cold War foreign policy that supported any Third World ally including right-wing dictatorships that could contain Communist inroads in Third World regions. Reformist representatives in both houses designed a way to judge the legitimacy of foreign assistance on the grounds of the extent of the recipients’ democracy so that problematic governments that were unconcerned with the welfare of their people would not receive US aid. But they urged the Executive Branch to provide Israel with substantial military and economic aid. This congressional pressure played a major role in cultivating the tight US-Israeli relationship that grew dramatically after the Arab-Israeli war in 1967. This article investigates how these two, seemingly contradictory, moves—supporting both the increase of financial and military aid to Israel and the reduction of similar aid to the South Vietnamese government and several other US allies in the Third World—went together, by focusing senators and representatives who were dovish on Vietnam but hawkish in the Middle East.

Investigating this wing of lawmakers sheds new light on the significant impact that the events in the Middle East had on the political culture of 1970s America. Previous studies have shown that New Right intellectuals and politicians and military specialists mobilized militarized images of Israel, which were strengthened by Israel’s military strength and uncompromising anti-terrorist measures, in their effort to recover a “strong America,” using these images as a model for the United States to overcome a sense of public aversion to military interventionism. These studies, however, ignore that liberal critics of US Cold War foreign policy also referred to Israel to depict what they believed America should stand for. Reformist Congressmen and women depicted Israel as a modern and democratic nation deserving US military and economic aid to differentiate Israel from other Third World allies, counterposing “democracy” with “dictatorship.” This article demonstrates that for Cold War reformers in Congress, providing military and economic aid to Israel complemented their effort to recover US moral authority that they believed the US involvement of the war in Vietnam had undermined. It concludes that the mobilization of the binary world view and repetitive mentions of Communist-backed aggression in the Middle East for supporting Israel led to the discursive survival of the Cold War even among many anti-Cold War lawmakers at a time when shattering that consensus seemed possible.

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