本稿の目的は、アッバース朝カリフ・マームーンの治世末期に起こった下エジプトのバシュムール地方の反乱に焦点を当てて、アッバース朝支配下のエジプトにおけるキリスト教徒社会の情況を検討し、エジプトにおけるイスラーム化の進行とキリスト教社会の衰退の歴史的展開について一考察を行うことにある。エジプトのキリスト教徒(コプト)社会に対するムスリム政権の統制が本格的に強化され始めたのはウマイヤ朝後半のことと考えられる。その後アッバース朝時代にかけて、政府の徴税強化と徴税官の圧迫に抵抗するコプト反乱が繰り返し記録に現れるようになる。その最後で最大の武力蜂起といわれるのがバシュムール反乱である。第1章では、バシュムール反乱に至る抗租運動の軌跡を辿り、ムスリム支配の強化に伴う抗租運動におけるコプトとアラブ・ムスリムの関係を分析した。第2章ではバシュムール反乱の原因とその経緯、反乱後の状況を史料に基づいて再現し、第3章においてこの時代のコプト社会の状況に関して、コプト社会内部の情況に注目して考察を行った。結論として、この時代に表面化してくるコプト教会と一般信徒との間の軋轢や利害の不一致が、コプト社会の変化と衰退を考察するに際して非常に重要な要因となっていることを検証した。コプト社会の内部変化という観点から、バシュムール反乱はエジプトのイスラーム化において1つの重要な転機であったいうことができると考えられる。

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For better estimation of the temperature of red-hot volcanic ejecta from their images taken by online digital cameras at night, we studied the applicability of a new pyrometer to the images. Our pyrometer applies the theory of black-body radiation to the color of red-hot object. We examined the color of red-hot volcanic ejecta, a heated basaltic rock with known temperature, and infra-red LEDs. Because of the sensitivity to infra-red ray, a digital camera Nikon D40 can visualize hot basalt specimen at temperatures much lower (ca. 370℃) than the naked eyes (500～550℃). As a side-effect of this capability, color data of the hot basalt from the isothermal color lines calculated from the black-body radiation and the CIE colorimetric system. Night photographs taken by the online digital camera aimed at the explosive ash eruptions of Asama volcano (2 a.m. 2 Sep., 2009) indicated that the color of red-hot volcanic ejecta was disturbed by the influence of infra-red ray in the same manner as observed on the heated basalt specimen in the laboratory. As a result, the temperature of the volcanic ejecta would be much lower than their appearance in digital images (e.g., 1000℃) but higher than the detection limit (370℃). Comparison of the color of red-hot volcanic ejecta and isothermal color lines revealed that some of the volcanic ejecta fell along the 600℃ isotherm line of the black-body radiation, which suggests that volcanic cloud reduces the influence of infra-red ray. The estimated temperature (600℃) is consistent with those deduced from petrological observation and thermodynamic computation (600〜700℃). We conclude that color analysis of the images of red-hot ejecta taken by online digital cameras are useful in temperature evaluation when images suffer less influence of infra-red ray.

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本論文の目的は、定期刊行物を資料として分析しながらトルコ共和国初期における、トルコのメディアにおける日本像を解明し、あわせて日土関係を解釈することにある。具体的には日土関係の転換点である1933年から第二次世界大戦が勃発した1939年までトルコ最大の発行部数を誇る日刊紙の一つである『ジュムフリエト』における日本関係記事（事件報・論説など）を検討した。その結果、特に知識人や論説委員が記名で寄稿した論説によると、当時のトルコにおいて日本に対して全く異なる二つの対立する論調の存在を解明することができた。第1はトルコが1923年の建国に際して帝国主義諸国家の支配から独立解放戦争で脱却したという政治イデオロギーに立脚しながら、帝国主義国家である日本によって侵略を受けた中国や東アジア諸国に同情する論調である。ユヌス・ナディ氏、ペヤミ・サファ氏やナディル・ナディ氏はその傾向にあった論説委員である。特に本紙の社説担当記者でもあるユヌス・ナディ氏は日本に対して激しい非難をし、日本の東アジアにおける侵略行動に反対していた。これに対して、第2はムハッレム・フェイズ・トガユ氏やアフメット・アガオグル氏などのパン・トルコ主義者である論説委員が日本の侵略行動を支持する論調である。 特にアガオグル氏の論説は好意的な論調の最良の例である。彼は日本の侵略主義を西欧のと比べた上、日本の対外膨張政策を正当化する傾向があった。以上の分析を総括すると、論説委員による個人差はあっても『ジュムフリエト』紙は全体としては欧米のメディアとは異なり、日本に対して偏見予兆をもって編集方針をとることはなかった。すなわち日本に対して親日・反日双方論述によって、同時期の英仏のような反日、独伊のような親日一辺倒の世論形成を行っていなかった。その理由は当時のトルコの政情を反映している。1923年建国以来、トルコは外交より内政を重視し、国内の諸改革推進のために中立的な外交姿勢を堅持した。最終的に、1930年代に汎トルコ主義者らは日本や日本の大陸進出に対して親近感を持ったが、その一方、ケマリスト的なイデオロギーに近い人々は日本に対して批判的であったと言えよう。

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The agreement between Korea and Japan dated August 22, 1904 prescribed that the Korean Government consult the Japanese Government before dealing with such diplomatic affairs as the grant of concessions to or contracts with foreign nationals. The convention between Korea and Japan, dated November 17, 1905, stipulated the measures regarding the execution of the treaties actually existing between Korea and other powers, but lacke provisions related to the execution of agreements and/or engagements already existing. This leads ut to the assumption that there was some adjustment procedure for the concessions already given to foreign nationals in the policy framework of the residency-general. This article takes up the case of the Kapsan mining concession granted to the American firm of Collbran and Bostwick and discusses the following points. First, the characteristics of the Kapsan concession in its form, terms and the attached instruments are compared with other concessions. The emperor of Korea granted the concession to the American firm, hoping that it might induce some diplomatic assistance from the United States. Secondly, the imperial black seal order was issued frequently to the American firm from the middle of 1900. Although the seal was originally used in affairs regarding personal/ private imperial household property, it was utilized by the foreign powers in obtaining concessions. For that purpose the logic that the authority of the emperor of Korea was the ultimate source of legitimacy in the Deahan Chekuk was employed. Next, Japanese authorities regarded the Kapsan concession as the most serious hindrance to enforcing the Mining Law promulgated on July 12, 1906, because of its terms and possibility to induce international . Finally, U. S.-Japan negotiations nullified the original Kapsan concession (which was alleged to be legitimate by the Americans in the name of the Korean imperial prerogative) granted a new concession, and agreed to revise the Mining Law so as to secure the original terms of the Kapsan concession. By such procedures, the conditions to uniformly enforce the Mining Law were met. As shown in the case of Kapsan concession, one of the meanings and functions of the period of the Japanese protectorate over Korea lies in the adjustment of foreign interests contradictory to Japanese policy.

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What was the impact of the rural decline in Mito han after the mideighteenth century on Tempo kenchi? What is the explanation for the way the upper class of peasants including village officials submitted to the kenchi even though it was disadvantageous to them? This article attempts to throw light on the first question by grasping characteristics of land holdings of various classes of peasants. As to the second question it attempts to seek the answer in the relationships of the village officials and the upper class peasants with the han government and with the average peasants. One of the characteristics of class differentiation in peasantry in the period of the rural decline could be seen in the fall of the lower class peasants, but their fall, in turn, resulted in difficulties of owner-farming by the upper class peasants. As time went by, however, some of the wealthy upper class peasants gradually accumulated lands even in the rural decline, though there appeared neither very large farmers nor appreciable development of landlord-tenant peasant relationship. In many cases the upper class people of villages became village officials, and they accumulated lands bearing less feudal rents, while the lower class peasants were left with infertile lands bearing more feudal rents, which led them into econonlically critical plight all the more. In accumulating lands village officials and the upper class peasants preferred dry fields to rice paddies because they could get surplus products more easily from fields on account both of the system of exploitation of feudal rents and of the development of commercial farming. As a result there arose serious conflicts between the upper and the lower class peasants. Those conflicts took the form of village disputes: disputes of average peasants against village officials about communal administration. Confronted with those disputes, the han government tried to avoid the rural crisis on the principle of excluding village officials' arbitrariness from communal administration. The policy on kenchi was basically in line with that principle of the han government, and it was carried out to the disadvantage of the village officials and the upper class peasants. But finding themselves in with the han government and the average peasants, the village officials and the upper class peasants saw that there had emerged, stances which would not allow them to object to the policy of the han government on kenchi. This ought not to be overlooked in analyzing historical roles of the upper class peasants as they came to be involved with the political strife in the end of the Tokugawa period.

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Delphi, which the ancient Greeks regarded as a center of the world, was famous in Greece and the peripheral regions as the sanctuary of Apollo and for its oracles. Hence, Delphi has been widely studied but little attention has been devoted to the state or municipal community of the village itself. The purpose of this thesis is to make clear the inner workings of Delphi during a crisis in the early fourth century B.C. by analyzing two laws. The phratry law of Labyadai (CID, I, no.9) contains prescriptions about registration in the phratry, trials, funereal practices, dining together, cults and offerings. It is not a mixture of these rules, but a systematic collection of new and old laws, the center of which is a prescription concerning entry into the phratry. In this systematization we can see the intentions of the legislator. It is a reinforcement of the organization of the phratry and solidarity among its members, and an attempt to put the people's mind at rest. In the law of Cadys we find patria, a political subdivision in the phratry, and private religious corporations like heroiasstai or thiasos.The social and economic activities of these groups, whose regulation is probably one of the more important points in this law, are claimed to have increase the number of people burdened by debt and reduced the function or status of those phratries that played important roles in Delphic politics, thus changing traditional human relationships in Delphi. It seems that the case of Crates-Orsiraus illustrated by Aristotle and Plutarch indicates the conditions on the eve of the laws of Labyadai and Cadys and thus contemporary society. The author is of the opinion that behind the between the two families in this case, there was a struggle for control of the state and phratries among the groups which appear in the law of Cadys. Accordingly, he concludes that the phratry law of Labyadai aimed at reducing of social Conflicts and reconstructing the phratry. On the other hand, the law of Cadys seems to have set its sights on not only restriction of political and economic activities by corporations and individuals that threatened the government and civic life, but also relief of the people in poverty or on the brink of ruin and the stabilization of the economy and society in Delphi.

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両親の夫婦関係が青年の結婚観に影響を与える過程として,連合学習のようなシンプルなメカニズムによって直接的に影響する「直接ルート」と,青年自身の恋愛関係を媒介して間接的に影響する「モデリングルート」とを想定し,実証的に検討した。さらに,モデリングルートのうち,親の夫婦関係から青年の恋愛関係への影響については,親の夫婦関係に対する青年の主観的評価が調整変数として機能するという仮説を立て,検証を行った。大学生213名(男性95名,女性112名,不明6名)から得られたデータに対して共分散構造分析を行った結果,親の夫婦関係に対する青年の主観的評価が高い群においては,親の夫婦関係が直接に青年の結婚観に影響を与え,また,青年自身の恋愛関係を媒介して間接的にも影響を及ぼしていた。一方,親の夫婦関係への評価が低い群では,親の夫婦関係から青年の恋愛関係への影響は見られず,親の夫婦関係と青年の恋愛関係が独立に青年の結婚観に影響を与えていた。これらの結果は,直接ルートが親の夫婦関係への青年の評価にかかわらず成立するのに対し,モデリングルートは評価が高いときにのみ成立することを示している。

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Curatores rei publicae were officials appointed by the Roman imperial government to Italian cities to supervise local fiscal administration from the second century onward. Such appointments have been regarded as the largest scale intervention in municipal self-government throughout the history of the Principate. Historians currently hold the following views concerning this situation (1) curatores were employed only temporarily ; and (2) the range of their activities was confined to those duties assigned by the emperor (i.e., fiscal supervision). They conclude that curatores neither intervened in nor restricted municipal self-government. The problem here is that the research to date only focuses on the activities of curatores during their incumbencies and thus does not properly evaluate the significance of their appointments. M.Saltori has suggested that the above-mentioned views should be revised to (1)' curatores were active longer than the current research assumes ; and (2)' in practice, their activities sometimes went beyond the range of municipal public finance, extending to those of municipal patrons providing fiscal assistance. The argument presented here is that curatores fiscally assisted municipalities, and that such activity was not necessarily an extension of their formal duties, and thus should be understood as additional tasks of municipal patrons. Such curatores strengthened their relations with municipalities through prolonged incumbency or successive appointments and thereby were sometimes selected as municipal patrons during after their incumbencies. Consequently, it could be concluded that the appointment of curatores meant the introduction of municipal patrons to assist in local fiscal affairs of Italiancities under the Principate.

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世界のさまざまな地域では、超自然的存在やそれが持つ力への視点を抜きにしては捉えられないような、数かずの「在地の資源管理(Indigenous Resource Management:IRM)」が行われている。資源管理や自然保護をめぐっては「コミュニティ基盤型」あるいは「参加型」アプローチの有効性・必要性が叫ばれて久しいが、人類学的コモンズ論をはじめとして自然資源管理をめぐる議論では、地域の人びとの超自然観と密接に結びついているIRMを十分に主題化してきたとは言い難い。そこで、本研究ではインドネシア東部セラム島の内陸山地部をフィールドに、日々の暮らしに欠くことのできない狩猟資源の利用をめぐる秩序が、山地民と超自然的存在とのかかわりあいのなかで、どのように生み出され,維持されているのかを、可能な限り山地民の生活世界に入り込みながら仔細に描き出すことを試みた。その上で、そうした超自然的強制に支えられたIRMと地域の社会文化的コンテクストとのあいだにどのような適合性がみられるのかを検討し、超自然的存在との相互関係のなかで資源利用秩序を生み出している地域の人びとの営為に目を向けてゆくことが、「超自然的存在と共に生きている人びと」が主体性を発揮しえる資源管理・自然保護を模索・推進してゆく上で重要であることを指摘した。

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