Much work has been done on the influences of Chinese literature on the Japanese martial chronicles. However, comparison between a particular Chinese literary work and a Japanese martial chronicle has, as yet, not been attempted. When we compare Taiheiki (one of the Japanese martial chronicles) and San guo zhi yan yi as two literary works - in terms of plot, character development, and narrative development - what will be made clear?

　Taiheiki and San guo zhi yan yi make a remarkable contrast in the way each of the works presents

’ deaths.

　Death in Taiheiki often receives careful and minute handling. Surrounding death,

features, character costume, and “nanori” (calling himself) are narrated in detail. Such a method of presentation helps the readers to imagine the scene as if they were physically present at the ’ death.

　In San guo zhi yan yi, on the contrary, the presentation of death is often short and concise: the emphasis of the work is on the

’ heroic acts and their vitality. The ’ character is fully developed at the time they are first introduced in the story, and when they are fighting. Death does not matter so much to these in the face of martial glory.

　It can be concluded that such a difference in the way of handling death in the two works has been brought out by several factors - social, political, and cultural.

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In Japan, every han or feudal clan made large maps of their own castle town during the Edo period. These maps have been studied as sources for research regarding the history of urban development. Although most on the research has been focussed on the maps of town plans, it is important to note that they were mainly used to officially distribute house lots to . The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between the castle town maps and the administration of ' residential areas, taking Yonezawa as an example.
Maps of Yonezawa during the Edo period changed from large single sheet maps to atlases in the beginning of the 19th century. Large single sheet maps demarcate the boundary of ' residential plots and indicate the names of the occupants. The size of the residential plot varies considerably according to the class of warrior.
In contrast to large single sheet maps, atlases consist of street maps of small areas. Within them, the names of occupants and their positions in the military organization of Yonezawa-han are written along the street concerned. Accordingly, the difference in actual plot size is not always indicated in these atlases. On some of these names, strips of paper are attached in order to make revisions. Explanatory notes of these maps designate that the names of resident were surveyed every year or two.
In addition, these atlases contain two important legends. One of them represents the vacant lots. The other represents the farmlands in ' residential areas. Although the were expected to build houses at their own expense on the lots officially provided, some of them were left vacant. Those lands without houses were subject to taxation by the authorities from 1826 and were marked in the atlases. Making use of idle land was one of the policies of fiscal reform initiated from the beginning of the 19th century in Yonezawa-han. These legends are a reflection of this policy.
In conclusion, this study aims to show that most of castle town maps were originally practical tools used in the administration of the town itself. They were closely connected with the management of ' residential areas, and the appearance of new legends in atlases was due to fiscal reforms and taxation.
Similar administrative changes can be found in other castle towns. For example, maps of Kumamoto show that some of the house lots in the ' residential areas were marked for taxation as a result of fiscal reform during the latter half of the 18th century. The approach of this study in viewing the changes of castle town maps in relation to administrative reforms should also be valid for the examination of these other castle towns.

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The rapid aging of the population observed in Japan cannot be compared with that in the U.S. and Europe.In Japan there is no precedent for redesigning life after retirement in a highly industrialized society. 2007 in Japan saw the retirement of many baby boomers. This exposed the problem of retirees to the whole nation.Countless, aging retirees now have to find new models to live by. Under the Japanese lifetime employment system retired people have developed a strong career identity through their working lives. As a result, switching identities has become a challenge for retired people. The fixed-age retirement issue, on which this paper is themed, is a highly socially demanding topic in this regard. The purpose of this study is to make clear how retired ‘company ’ are struggling to construct new relationships with others and rebuild their self-identity.

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Some historical sources refer to many dars on the al-Tugur al-Šamiya or Abbasid Syrian frontiers (Cilicia), especially in Tarsus from the late 2/8th century until the Byzantine reconquest of it in 354/965. These dars were a kind of military establishment built to accommodate the who participated in holy wars on behalf of the founders of the dars.
The dar founded by Qabiha, mother of the Caliph al-Mu'tazz, contained an armory and a residence for soldiers; it housed 150 slave and their leader who were selected from among the mawlas or retainers of al-Mu'tazz. The were well known because while marched they shouted out the name of the caliph. There were also 150 military slaves in the dar of Sayyida, mother of the Caliph al-Muqtadir. Some Tarsus armorers were appointed to repair their weapons. The dar of Zuhayr b. al-Harit was a smaller one but had similar features; seven war horses which were stabled there with their equipment were allotted to seven commanders, and veterinarians and grooms for these horses were employed.
It should be noted that the dars were financed by waqfs or religious donations and that the spread of the dars along the Syrian frontiers was promoted by the intensity of the spirit of holy war.

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The coastal region of the Republic of Kenya, including Mombasa, the second largest city of the country, is one of the foremost tourist resorts in the African continent. The blue Indian Ocean and white sand beaches attract as many as one million tourists per year, mainly from European countries. Young unmarried Samburu males, called “

,” come to this resort area as migrant workers from their semi-arid home region 800 kilometers away to make money by selling their beadsworks as souvenirs and showing their dance as a tourist attraction. The Samburu, one of the Maa-speaking groups who share their language and culture with the renowned Maasai, appeal to tourists with the exoticism of their “traditional” and “primitive” images. “” whose bodies are decorated with elaborate beaded adornments are especially eye-catching and feature in many postcards and on the front cover of tourist pamphlets.

In this paper, I focus on the Samburu

’ experiences through their dances and adornments. In the tourism context, their dances and adornments have changed visibly and invisibly. By clarifying such differences, I discuss how their experiences of conceiving the “new” and the “original” relate to their identity and cultural changes.

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