研究論文
トウキョウ・バイスにおけるアカルチュレーションの言説
2025 年 28 巻 p. 5-26
詳細
2025 年 28 巻 p. 5-26
トウキョウ・バイスは、日本に駐在するアメリカ人犯罪記者の回想録を基にしたテレビシリーズである。 ジェイク・アデルスタインは明知新聞で働く最初の外国人であり、このシリーズは彼の東京での仕事と私生活の両方を描いている。ジェイクは日本での生活に慣れながら、その困難を乗り越えていく。本稿では、このシリーズで流布している言説を分析し、文化への適応過程と異文化間コミュニケーションに関連するその意義に焦点を当てる。このシリーズを分析するために、談話理論とベリーの馴化理論が利用された。これらのシリーズで流通している言説には、異質性、個人主義、平等主義、先輩/後輩、統合／同化などがある。ジェイク・アデルシュタインは、これらの言説を利用して、統合主義者のアイデンティティを構築した。アメリカ的アイデンティティから日本的アイデンティティへ移行する過程は、必ずしも直線的なものではなかった。時には、ジェイクがニュース記事をひたすら追い求めた結果、個人主義や平等主義といったアメリカ的な言説が引き出されることもあった。またある時は、ジェイクは代替的な先輩・後輩の言説を利用し、統合主義的なアイデンティティを構築した。ジェイクとこれらの言説との相互作用は、アイデンティティ形成が社会的相互作用の中で起こる再帰的プロセスであることを反映している。映画やテレビシリーズの研究は、異文化間コミュニケーションにとって重要な意味を持っている。トウキョウ・バイスはは1990年代を舞台にしているが、2020年代に世界中の観客に向けて制作された。したがって、このシリーズは、日本がどのように世界的な視聴者に表現されているかを反映している。ジェイクの日本への適応は、連続的なプロセスとして表現された。他者との交流や日本文化への適応を通して、ジェイクは文化的疎外や分離から統合へと向かう。
Tokyo Vice (Rogers, 2022-2024) is a television series loosely based on a memoir about an American crime reporter working in Japan (Adelstein, 2009). Jake Adelstein is the first foreign national to work for a major Japanese newspaper, and the series portrays both his professional and personal life in Tokyo. Jake navigates the challenges of living in Japan as he acculturates. This paper analyzes the discourses circulating in this series and focuses on their significance related to acculturation and intercultural communication. Discourse theory and Berry’s theory of acculturation were utilized to analyze the series (Berry, 2008; Davies & Harré, 1990; Fairclough, 2015; Foucault, 1972; Reynolds, 2008). The discourses circulating in these series include foreign otherness, individualism, egalitarianism, sempai-kōhai, and integration/assimilation. By drawing on these discourses, Jake Adelstein constructed an integrationist identity. The process of shifting from a more American to a Japanese identity was not always linear. At times, Jake’s single-minded pursuit of a news story involved drawing on more American discourses of individualism and egalitarianism. At other times, Jake drew on alternative discourses of sempai-kōhai and constructed an integrationist identity. Jake’s interaction with these discourses reflects how identity formation is a recursive process in social interaction. The study of film and television series has significant implications for intercultural communication. The original story is set in the 1990s but recreated in the 2020s for a global audience. Therefore, the series reflects how Japan is represented to this global audience. Jake’s acculturation to Japan is represented as a process that exists on a continuum. Jake moves from cultural marginalization and separation to integration through interacting with others and adapting to Japanese culture.
Media is a viable data source for the study of intercultural communication. Scripted language circulates in television and movies, yet this media discourse is nonetheless infused with cultural values and depicts representations of intercultural communication. Therefore, a television series or film is one type of discourse with implications extending beyond the interactions between characters and encompassing wider sociocultural values the creator disseminates. Researchers can thus analyze television, analyze how intercultural communication is represented, and comment on the implications of those representations.
This study focuses on analyzing the discourses circulating in Tokyo Vice to examine how intercultural communication is represented. Tokyo Vice is loosely based on Jake Adelstein’s memoir, so the series is not historically accurate. This investigation focused on identifying those discourses and analyzing their significance related to depictions of intercultural communication and acculturation. Tokyo Vice portrayed two non-Japanese characters who committed to acculturating to Japan, but Jake played a more prominent role in the series. By embracing discourses related to sempai-kōhai (mentor-mentee) and rejecting those related to competitive individualism and non-conformity, Jake constructed a more culturally integrative identity. Results of the analysis will indicate, however, that the process of forging a bicultural (integrative) identity does not always follow a linear trajectory. Jake faced difficulties in deemphasizing many discourses related to his American identity and embracing new discourses.
Researchers understand that a television series represents the fruits of a creative process that contains valid data for analysis. Tokyo Vice was based on Jake Adelstein’s (2009) memoir, so there are discrepancies between the memoir and series. Moreover, critics have raised questions about the historical accuracy of the memoir itself (Blair, 2022). Despite these caveats, film provides valid data to study the discourses that circulate at a particular time and place (Gill, 2015). Researchers can gain insight into how intercultural encounters are represented in this television series.
Overview of Tokyo ViceTokyo Vice (Rogers, 2022-2024) is a television series set in the 1990s that was loosely based on Jake Adelstein’s popular memoir. Adelstein was born and raised in Missouri, but moved to Japan when he was 19 to study Japanese literature. Adelstein graduated from Sophia University and then worked as a reporter for the Meicho Shinbun (Yomiuri Shinbun), a major Japanese newspaper, for several years. Jake was the first non-Japanese to gain employment at the Meicho; thus, he was able to overcome numerous cultural barriers. Tokyo Vice chronicles Adelstein’s journey from an unemployed student to a relatively successful crime reporter. Jake’s strong interest in organized crime led him to different precincts of Tokyo, where he formed relationships with other foreigners and Japanese. Jake’s most consequential relationship is with Hiroto Katagiri, a police detective who serves as a mentor. Jake’s family wants him to return home, but he is determined to remain in Japan and pursue his career as a news journalist. The series portrays a highly determined individual who relentlessly pursues the truth.
Emi Maruyama is Jake’s direct supervisor and senior journalist at the Meicho. She is of Korean descent and lives in an apartment with her mentally ill brother, Kei. Maruyama has successfully climbed up the hierarchy in an established Japanese organization. At one point in the series, the head of the Meicho tells Maruyama she will eventually oversee the newspaper. Maruyama initially judges Jake as someone who expects special treatment because he is a foreigner; however, they form a relationship built on trust and the common goal of reporting the truth.
Jake forms close friendships with his colleagues Jun “Trendy” Shinohara and Makoto “Tintin” Kunihara. They occasionally dine or drink together, code-switching between English and Japanese, and become his closest associates. While Jake was not isolated from his other colleagues, he was not portrayed as close to anyone else. The absence of more workplace interactions is partially attributable to the nature of his profession which requires that he spends a substantial amount of time outside the office. Much of the series shows Jake traveling around Tokyo chasing stories.
Samantha Porter is the other prominent non-Japanese national in this series. Samantha initially came to Kyushu as a Mormon missionary, but she abandons the ministry and moves to Tokyo to work as a hostess at Onyx Club. Samantha hides the details of her past from others except her closest friend. After working as a hostess at Onyx, Samantha eventually becomes the co-owner of Club Polina. Samantha is estranged from her family in the U.S. and intends to permanently settle in Japan. She becomes involved with Akira Sato, a member of the Chihara-kai gang. The oyabun (boss) of the Chihara-kai gang co-owns Club Polina with Samantha.
This article presents the results of an investigating the discourses related to culture that circulate in Tokyo Vice (Rogers, 2022-2024). Discourses are the normalized ways of discussing ertain topics that vary by sociocultural context and change over time (Edley, 2001, 2017; Reynolds, 2008). Foucault famously stated that discourses are “practices which systematically form the objects of which they speak” (1972, p. 49). The talk that occurs in corporations or families is corporate or family discourse. The discourses in Tokyo Vice exist within a rich context that is heavily influenced by culture. Discourses of collectivism and conformity are disseminated throughout Japanese culture because group membership is extolled, and behavior is regulated to conform to social protocols and norms (Davies & Ikeno, 2002; Kamada, 2009; Matsumoto, 2014).
Discourses extend beyond language about a particular topic to include a “whole range of different symbolic activities, including style of dress, patterns of consumption, ways of moving, as well as talking (Edley, 2001, p. 191). Indeed, discourses that constitute shakaijin (working adult) encompass much more than conversations among adults in workplaces or homes; these discourses exist throughout society and can be traced to legacy media, magazines, employee handbooks, and films. Discourses for ideal corporate employees include professional dress and demeanor and inculcating behaviors like cooperation, deference to seniors, and polite speech (Dasgupta, 2012). In an era defined by globalization, the discourse around ideal corporate employees includes technological competence, second language competence, and even academic credentials from overseas universities (Dasgupta, 2010).
Individuals are often unaware of the existence of dominant discourses because they are often implicitly woven into the fabric of sociocultural contexts simultaneously, constructing the status quo. At the same time, discourses exist that sanction behaviors and actions considered outside the norm (e.g., Yamada, 1999). Discourses provide the structure or framework for social situations and offer individuals subject positions from which they construct their identities (Davies & Harré, 1990; Lazar, 2000). Identity formation is an active process that occurs within the ebb and flow of social interaction through assuming subject positions in relation to discourses (Davies & Harré, 1990; Kendall, 2007).
Discourses do not exist in isolation but also intersect with other discourses. Interdiscursivity is the term used to describe the interplay between different discourses (Fairclough, 2015; Kristeva, 1986). Discourses that constitute shakajin intersect with the public and private spheres. Thus, identity formation as a shakaijin salaryman identity involves taking up positions regarding discourse around school, marriage, family, and work (Dasgupta, 2012; Hidaka, 2010). A salaryman is associated with particular academic and professional credentials that are viewed as cultural capital in Japanese society (Bourdieu, 1979). As discourses shift over time, the residual effects of the Lost Decade and economic stagnation have impacted discourses constituting millennial masculinity (Dasgupta, 2012). Tokyo Vice was set in the 1990s when economic stagnation prompted discourses surrounding shakaijin to shift and reconfigure.
Individuals create social identities by positioning self and others vis-à-vis other discourses. Positioning is the interactional process through which individuals produce a diversity of selves by interacting with others (Kendall, 2007). A discourse of responsible adults offers individuals positions like a corporate employee, family breadwinner or caregiver, and father or mother. Individuals possess agency to actively resist these positions and cultivate alternative identities through non-regular employment, permanent singlehood, and so on; however, the ability to occupy a subject position is also constrained to varying degrees by social class, gender, race/ethnicity, and sexuality. A man may desire to occupy the position of breadwinner in the family, but his inability to secure permanent employment prevents him from taking up this position and embodying salaryman masculinity (Dasgupta, 2012). Likewise, a woman may consciously eschew marriage altogether or enact single motherhood, and therein rejecting the family caregiver identity (Ezawa, 2016; Nemoto, 2016).
Expatriates encounter a wide range of discourses and accompanying subject positions. These individuals encounter these new discourses while they simultaneously negotiate their identities. Berry’s (2008) framework of acculturation strategies provides insight into the dynamic process of cultural adaptation. Integration and assimilation strategies are used to accept and even embrace these new cultural discourses. Integration involves constructing a bicultural identity by integrating cultural values from both cultures. The individual views the cultural values from the original culture as very important and even integral to one’s identity while striving to become an integral member of the new culture. Assimilation is the process of rejecting the values of the culture of origin and embracing those of the new culture. Individuals thus construct new identities by embracing the subject positions of cultural integrator or assimilator.
Conversely, separation and marginalization involve maintaining various degrees of distance from these new cultural discourses (Berry, 2008). Separation involves rejecting the cultural values of the new culture and instead embracing those of the culture of origin. Those who immerse themselves in ethnic enclaves can be seen as constructing this identity. Marginalization is the rejection of both the dominant host culture and the culture of origin. The marginalized are often pressured or even compelled to abandon their cultures, and they have little interest in adopting the cultural values and behaviors of the host culture. Marginalization is a strategy that pertains to some indigenous populations in history.
Individuals are both empowered and constrained by the subject positions offered by discourses. While an individual may desire assimilation or integration, his ability to embrace this discourse is constrained by factors such as language ability, access to encounters with members of the host culture, and their reciprocity to the person’s attempts to assimilate (Berry, 2008). In Hong Kong, for instance, a native Cantonese speaker may consciously choose to speak English to a native English speaker. By speaking Cantonese and adopting the appropriate cultural behaviors, the individual is attempting to assume a cultural assimilator position. However, the Cantonese speaker’s interlocutor is positioning her as a non-member of the culture. The success of integration is contingent upon the mutual cooperation between members of the dominant and non-dominant groups (Berry, 2008). Our ability to inculcate certain positions is thus negotiated in the ebb and flow of social interactions, and our agency can be constrained by how our interlocutors position us.
People can exhibit appropriate demeanor by embracing positions sanctioned in particular sociocultural contexts (Goffman, 1956). Demeanor is “the element of the individual’s ceremonial behavior typically conveyed through deportment, dress, and bearing, which serves to express to those in his immediate presence that he is a person of certain desirable or undesirable qualities” (Goffman, 1956, p. 489). Those who violate societal norms through inappropriate discursive positioning display poor demeanor. Intercultural encounters are situations where appropriate or inappropriate demeanor is evaluated based on sociocultural norms. The intercultural encounters portrayed in Tokyo Vice provide an opportunity to examine how appropriate demeanor is closely connected to culture.
2.2 Data AnalysisUsing qualitative content analysis (Berg & Lune, 2016), I provisionally identified and interpretatively named several discourses circulating in this series. Discourses are provisional and therein subject to shift over time. Therefore, discourse identification is an interpretive process rather than an absolute science because it is subjective and reflects the researcher’s perspective (Sunderland, 2004). Previous research has identified and substantiated the cultural values and discourses discussed in this study (Davies & Ikeno, 2002; Kamada, 2009; Komisarorf et al., 2019).
A discourse of foreign otherness (Kamanda, 2009) was not the most pervasive in this series, but it did surface in some scenes. The discourse is built on the premise that non-Japanese people cannot inculcate Japanese cultural values and thus seamlessly integrate into society. This discourse reflects the crucial role that members of the dominant culture play in non-members’ attempts to assimilate or integrate into the dominant culture (Berry, 2008; Komisarof et al., 2019; Komisarof et al., 2023). Successful integration or assimilation is contingent upon societal acceptance.
Extract 1Receptionist: Excuse me. This exam is in Japanese. (11:20)
Jake: Yes, I understand. (11:25)
In this first episode, Jake is checking in to take the Meicho Shinbun’s employment examination (Rogers, 2022). The receptionist positions him as a foreigner who cannot understand Japanese when she reminds him that the test is given entirely in Japanese. Jake resists the position of a linguistically unskilled foreigner by replying with impeccable Japanese. Considering that Jake was the first non-Japanese to work at the Meicho, her misconception that he is lost is not unreasonable̶nevertheless̶the positioning of Jake as a foreigner is based on appearance alone.
This next extract is from a later episode (Phillips, 2022). Jake is dining with Detective Katagiri’s family.
Extract 2Mrs. Katagiri: How long will you stay in Japan before you go home? (44:01)
Jake: This is my home now. Thank you. That was delicious. (44:48)
In this scene, Mrs. Katagiri draws on the discourse of foreign otherness and positions Jack as an honored guest who is visiting Japan for a certain period of time. Okyakusama atsukai, or privileged guest treatment (Komisarof, 2012), refers to the courteous and deferential treatment that some foreigners receive in Japan. Notably, this treatment is not always extended to every non-Japanese, and it can engender feelings of marginalization by those attempting to assimilate or integrate into Japanese culture (Komisarof, 2012, p. 11). In Jake’s case, he resists this position by claiming that Japan is his home.
Like Jake, Samatha is also determined to make Japan her home and she remains undeterred by the various obstacles she encounters. In the next extract, the receptionist at a rental agency denies Samantha the opportunity to view an apartment (Greenfield, 2022).
Extract 3Samantha: Excuse me. I’d like to make an appointment to see your listing in Shibuya. (4:14)
Receptionist: Miss, acquiring property in Tokyo is a complicated endeavor. (4:16)
Samantha: Yes, I understand. Could we set an appointment for tomorrow? (4:27)
Receptionist: I’m afraid that there are many steps that must be taken.
Samantha: I’ve taken those steps. I’d like to see the place. (4:29)
Receptionists: I’m afraid the owner of that space wouldn’t be interested in renting to you. (4:30)
Samantha: I see. Then I’ll find someone who is. Thank you for your time. (4:32)
A staff member at the real estate office positions Samantha as a clueless foreigner, which she resists. Samantha very politely responds to his questions and demonstrates cultural awareness. Refusals are face-threatening speech acts typically accomplished through mitigation (Brown & Levinson, 1987). Instead of a direct refusal, the receptionist softens the refusal with ambiguous expressions (e.g., complicated endeavor, many steps must be taken). Samantha is attuned to the nuances of Japanese and thus able to decipher the refusal, yet she persists with the request. Near the end of the conversation, the real reason why the landlord will not rent is revealed, and Samantha politely responds that she will search for apartments elsewhere. Samantha’s Japanese proficiency and awareness of Japanese pragmatic norms enable her to resist the clueless foreigner position, which compels the receptionist to disclose that the owner is unreceptive to renting to non-Japanese tenants. This scene reflects Samantha’s advanced Japanese proficiency and personal drive, which have helped her overcome significant obstacles and succeed in Japan.
Before concluding this section, it is worth noting that people did not position Emi Maruyama as a foreigner. Instead, her interlocutors assumed she was Japanese based on her appearance and native-like language proficiency. Sunderland (2004) posits that analysts should also consider the significance of discursive absences alongside presences. In this series, the discourse of foreign otherness only applies to individuals who fit a stereotypical physical description of a foreigner. At the same time, Maruyama is not portrayed as openly expressing her Korean identity. In fact, she only discloses it to her most intimate relations. Therefore, the series accurately depicts how Zainichi Koreans confront incentives to construct various social identities that do not disclose their ethnic heritage (Komisarof & Leong, 2016).
3.2 Discourse of EgalitarianismA discourse of egalitarianism positions individuals as fundamentally equal and not accorded automatic deference based on age, gender, or social status. In more egalitarian societies, friendliness is utilized to diminish any perceived status imbalances between individuals (Matsumoto, 2014). In more hierarchically organized Japanese cultural contexts such as traditional workplaces, one’s position is always negotiated vis-à-vis other group members (Davies & Ikeno, 2002; Matsumoto, 2014). As a non-Japanese recruit, Jake Adelstein occupies a very low position within the hierarchy. Nevertheless, Jake draws on the egalitarian discourse, and his superior swiftly rebukes him. The next scene occurs directly after the orientation meeting for new Meicho employees (Rogers, 2022).
Extract 4Jake: Thank you, Emi-san, (20:22).
Emi: I’m not your friend. (20:41) You are about a thousand dollars too early in this relationship to call me a friend. (20:43) As your superior and your sempai, you will pay me the courtesy of using Maruyama-san. Are we clear? (20:47)
Jake: Yes, totally. (20:49)
Emi: You think because you’re a foreigner, the rules are different? Not in this company and not with me. (20:55)
Jake positions Emi as his equal, but she rejects this status and reminds him of his place in the hierarchical structure of the news organization. She explicitly embraces the sempai (senior) position, which will be discussed later. Westerners are sometimes given special consideration due to the assumption that they cannot understand the intricacies of Japanese culture. They can abuse this treatment by playing the gaijin (foreigner) card and feigning ignorance of aspects of Japanese culture (Komisarof, 2012). While those who strategically exploit this card can be excused from following specific social protocols, they are never fully integrated into Japanese culture because embracing the foreigner position marks oneself as a cultural outsider. Jake is a graduate of Sophia University and demonstrates knowledge of other aspects of Japanese culture (e.g., bowing, honorific language), yet he commits a fatal cultural faux pas on his first day of work. The reasons he positions Emi as an equal are unclear, but he uses the appropriate address terms when speaking to his male superiors. The stereotype that women are more approachable than men (Tannen, 1994) or sexist attitudes could have influenced his decision.
3.3 Discourses of non-conformity and individualismA discourse of individualism is prominent in the US because individual self-expression is extolled (Matsumoto, 2014). In more individualistic cultures, society is loosely knit, and people look after themselves and their immediate families (Hofstede, 2001). Consequently, individuals do not value long-term loyalty to one organization which is a traditional norm in Japan (Dasgupta, 2012; Matsumoto, 2014). Fidelity to one corporation is changing in an era where lifetime employment is no longer guaranteed (Dasgupta, 2012; Hidaka, 2010; Roberson & Suzuki, 2002). In the US, many white-collar professions are competitive, and employees move to other organizations when a more appealing offer exists. Conversely, adhering to form and maintaining harmony are valued in Japan (Davies & Ikeno, 2002; Matsumoto, 2014). The tension between a discourse of competitive individualism and harmonious collectivism plays out in Tokyo Vice. When Jake pursues a story, he ignores his superior’s instructions and instead searches for the truth. In the process, he causes tension with his superiors who instruct him to follow established protocols that maintain social stability.
In the next extract, Jake is chastised by Baku, who is Emi Maruyama’s superior, because he ignored the explicit directive not to pursue a story (Rogers, 2022).
Extract 5Jake: I’m sorry, I... I don’t mean to get you in trouble. I can take care of myself, thank you. I just think...(33:27)
Emi: You don’t get to think. You will follow the rules and write what you are told to write, like everyone else, or you will be gone (33:33).
A discourse of individualism is evident in the scene following this chastisement. Jake is having drinks with his colleagues and complains that he is not going merely to regurgitate the police report in his article. Jake’s criticism of his superiors’ directives indicates that he is more concerned with pursuing his story and risking his career at the Meicho than following cultural protocols and integrating into Japanese culture. Publishing a breaking news story in an American newspaper would bring Jake fame and career advancement. Despite Baku’s chastisement and Maruyama’s instructions, Jake is undeterred and continues to ignore the directives of his superiors. As Jake’s direct supervisor, Emi is responsible for him, and his careless actions reflect poorly on her. Jake’s refusal to follow orders has placed her in an uncomfortable position with Baku.
In Extract 6, Jake makes yet another attempt to publish the story he wants to write (Rogers, 2022).
Extract 6Jake: Two dead men, two logos. The same logo. (48:01)
Emi: You already have a story to write. (48:05)
Jake: But there’s linkage. This story is bigger. The guy who set himself on fire in Kabukicho. (48:08)
Emi: We covered that. It’s already in print. (48:15)
Jake: There’s more to that story. (48:18)
Emi: You do the story you’re assigned. (48:21)
Jake: Okay. (48:23)
Emi: No. Is that clear? And only that story. Understood? (48:25)
Jake: Totally. Yes, understood. (48:29)
These extracts illustrate how the process of identity formation is not always smooth and seamless but is fraught with contradictions and inconsistencies (Edley, 2001, 2017; Reynolds, 2008). In many ways, Jake is committed to integrating Japanese traditional cultural values, yet examples such as these demonstrate how he draws on both discourses of individualism and integration to construct his identity. On the one hand, Jake defers to his superiors, attends nomikai (drinking) parties, and expresses the appropriate demeanor of a model corporate employee (Goffman, 1956). Indeed, Jake has used nommunication (drinking with colleagues) to form relationships with police officers and his colleagues (Matsumoto, 2014). At the same time, however, his fervent desire to investigate organized crime causes him to ignore the established cultural protocols and constraints on his own agency due to his position in the hierarchical organization. Jake’s insistence that there is more to the story indicates he is constructing an identity from a discourse of individualism. As such, we see him shift between accepting and resisting the subject position of a typical employee offered by the discourse of integration. Jake eventually gains the trust of both Emi Maruyama and Hiroto Katagiri, and they collectively pursue the goal of undermining organized crime. Jake learns that to become a successful journalist, he must adhere to the protocols and norms that shape journalism in Japan.
As Jake becomes more integrated into the culture of the Meicho, he discovers that Emi also draws on the discourse of non-conformity. As mentioned, Emi is of Korean descent, but the fact that she has attained a managerial position in a prestigious Japanese newspaper indicates that she has achieved a deep degree of cultural integration. At the same time, Emi realizes that it takes time and persistence for true change to occur. Therefore, she is not completely committed to maintaining the status quo.
In the following extract, Jake is angry because his news story was buried near the end of the newspaper (Kane, 2022).
Extract 7Jake: The second to last fucking page. (45:01)
Emi: You spelled it out beautifully. (45:05)
Jake: And that story would have opened a lot of eyes if they hadn’t fucking buried it. I’m glad you think so. (45:10)
Emi: Maybe next time. (45:12)
Jake: I don’t know how you do it. ‘Cause I’m starting to not see the fucking point of any of this anymore. (45:15)
Emi: Jake, I do it despite the indifference because somebody has to tell the truth. Someone has to build a wall of information brick by brick, story by story, until the facts cannot be ignored. And then things have to change. (45:29)
Jake: Don’t they? (45:31)
Emi: I don’t know. (45:35)
Emi’s declaration that someone must tell the truth shows her drawing on the discourse of non-conformity. Jake’s use of profanities and resignation that his quest to uncover the truth may be futile indicates that he is starting to question the purpose of his pursuit. Emi, however, adopts a more pragmatic perspective where engendering change requires time and patience. Emi also crafts her identity from the discourse of non-conformity, but she avoids direct opposition in Japan because explicit forms of resistance threaten interpersonal harmony and indicate improper demeanor (Sugimoto, 2020). Emi realizes that she must work within rather than outside the existing system. Emi will exercise patience and remain steadfast in her commitment to expose the truth. In the process, Emi also exhibits a much higher degree of cultural integration than Jake.
3.4 Discourse of integration/assimilationDiscourses of integration and assimilation reference Berry’s framework. Jake and Samantha are the two main Western protagonists, and they both desire various degrees of assimilation and integration into Japanese culture. Assimilation/integration and marginalization/separation exist at opposite ends of a continuum. Accordingly, individuals’ acculturation strategies exist at various points along this spectrum. Relatedly, individuals’ acculturation strategies do not always follow a uniform trajectory but can oscillate on the continuum (Komisarof, 2012; Komisarof & Leong, 2016; Komisarof, et al., 2019).
In this next extract, Jake visits Detective Hiroto Katagiri’s home to develop a relationship with him. Through conversations with colleagues, Jake has learned the importance of cultivating positive relationships with members of the police force. To start the process, he travels to Katagiri’s house in Saitama and rings the doorbell. Following the Japanese custom of gift-giving (Davies & Ikeno, 2002; Matsumoto, 2014), he did not show up empty-handed but bought ice cream and beer. Mrs. Katagiri informs him that her husband is not home, but Jake insists that she accept the gifts. As he leaves, Katagiri opens the sliding door and beckons him to stay (Phillips, 2022).
Extract 8Hiroto: Hey [in English]. Beer and sweets. Let me guess. The Meicho told you this is how you recruit a cop. (9:31)
Jake: I was just hoping that it would get me through the door. Last night, when you convinced that guy just to hand over his gun, what’d you say? (9:44)
Hiroto: It’s complicated. (9:45)
Jake: Hmm. Is there... is there anything else that you can give me? (9:46)
Hiroto: Give you? (9:47)
J: Yeah, I didn’t write anything about the other night, like you asked. I helped you. Now can you help me? (9:49)
Hiroto: It is late. Thank you for the beer. (9:50)
Jake: Wait. Moushi wake arimasen [I am deeply sorry]. (9:52)
Hiroto: What do you really want, Mr. Adelstein? (9:53)
Jake: [in Japanese] I want to learn how this city... What’s beneath the surface... how it works. Then I can write what is actually happening. But right now, I can’t do that. The truth is, I don’t know what I’m doing. (10:02)
Hiroto: “A path opens to those who are honest.” Sit. (10:04)
By following the gift-giving custom, Jake draws on a discourse of integration to construct his identity. Jake’s culturally appropriate gesture and attempt to build a relationship are then nullified by his desire to obtain information. Jake’s use of “give me” communicates a merely transactional view of their relationship. In the process, Jake employs a discourse of individualism in that the purpose of visiting Hiroto’s home is to acquire information he can use to write news stories. Hiroto senses his ulterior motive and then moves to end the conversation.
A shift in the conversation occurs when Jake apologizes and candidly expresses his true desire. Jake admits he would like to learn about the realities of the criminal underworld, yet his inexperience prevents him from doing this. We can view Jake as assuming the position of kōhai (junior) and asking for his sempai’s (senior’s) guidance on how to gain experience. In this short extract, Jake invokes the integration discourse to construct his identity.
After finishing a long conversation with Katagiri, Jake starts walking to the bus stop and is interrupted by Hiroto’s daughter (Phillips, 2022).
Extract 9Hiroto: I can be fired if I share evidence with a reporter. I’m sorry. I need to put my daughters to bed. (12:02)
Daughter: [in Japanese] Hey, tengu! (12:03)
Jake: Hmm? (12:04)
Daughter: When my father was out, I removed this from his drawer. So he has not breached the National Public Service Act. But I am very ashamed! Thanks for the doll! (12:08)
Jake: Thanks. (12:09)
The scene with Hiroto’s daughter explicitly demonstrates how Hiroto is acting as a sempai. Officially, Hiroto cannot give Jake police documents, so he uses his daughter as an unofficial channel to accomplish the task. Simultaneously, he shows Jake that while Japan is a rule and protocol-driven society, one can find ways to work around the system. In essence, Jake is learning the difference between the omote (exposed) and ura (hidden) aspects of Japanese society (Davies & Ikeno, 2002; Matsumoto, 2014).
In the subsequent extract, Akira Sato and Jake enter a posh restaurant and sit down for dinner (Iizuka, 2022). Sato is a member of one of the main organized crime groups in the series, and he has become friends with Jake because they both visit the same hostess club where Samantha works.
Extract 10Restaurant Host: Welcome, Mr. Sato. Please follow me. (49:05)
Jake: Hey, I think this place might be a little out of my price range, you know? (49:06)
Akira: My treat. (49:07)
Waiter: Here’s your Peking duck. (49:08)
Akira: What’s it like in America? (49:09)
Jake: That’s a big question. America is big. But I’m from Missouri. (49:11)
Akira: Missouri? (49:12)
Jake: Yeah, Missouri. (49:13)
Akira: Missouri. (49:14)
Jake: Called the “Show Me State.” (49:15)
Akira: Why? (49:16)
Jake: I have no idea. But I was born and raised in Columbia, Missouri. It’s kind of like the heartland. Apple pie. (49:20)
Akira: Apple pie? (49:21)
Jake: Football. (49:22)
Akira: Football. You are tough guy? (49:23)
Jake: No. (49:24)
Akira: Hmm. (49:25)
Jake: I did musicals. (49:26)
Akira: Seriously? (49:27)
Jake: Yeah. I was good. (49:28)
Akira: You miss it? Missouri? (49:29)
Jake: Hmm, mm-mm. (49:31)
In this exchange, Akira does not draw on a discourse of foreign otherness to position Jake as an outsider. Rather, he starts to develop a deeper relationship with Jake by expressing an interest in Jake’s family and background. Sato does not ask Jake about the duration of his time in Japan or his expected departure date. Their exchange flows like a conversation between two friends, and Jake’s cultural background is not at the forefront.
Extract 11Akira: How about your family? (49:36)
Jake: They miss me. You know, my mom is always calling and trying to guilt me into coming home. (49:37)
Akira: That is so Japanese. (49:38)
Jake: I know. (49:39)
Akira: Very Japanese. Brothers and sisters? (49:41)
Jake: I got a sister. (49:42)
Akira: You miss her? (49:43)
Jake: You got a lot of questions, huh? How about you? You got family? (49:45)
Akira: No. (49:46)
Jake: I haven’t eaten this good since I don’t know. Thank you for dinner. (49:47)
As the conversation continues, Jake draws on a discourse of integration by espousing a desire to distance himself from his culture while drawing on discourses of individualism in the process. Akira’s “That is so Japanese” comment can be seen as a unifying thread that bonds them. Ironically, Jake’s mother acts more like a Japanese mother while Jake distances himself from his culture of origin. Jake’s eschewal of filial piety and desire to forge a new life in Japan is very much situated within the discourse of individualism. Indeed, Jake’s decision to leave his homeland and foster a new life in another country evokes images of the self-made man or American cowboy (Kimmel, 2017). Throughout the series, Jake regularly emphasizes the trope that Japan is his home, which indicates that, at times, he moves closer to assimilation rather than integration. As mentioned, identity construction is not always a seamless process, but it can be fraught with contradictions and inconsistencies (Edley, 2001, 2017; Reynolds, 2008). While Jake may distance himself from his American identity, the fact that he draws on the discourse of individualism and egalitarianism indicates that he has a foot in both cultures.
3.4 Discourse of sempai-kōhai (mentor-mentee)A discourse of sempai-kōhai (mentor/mentee) reflects a high degree of power distance (Davies & Ikeno, 2002; Hofstede, 2001). While mentees pay deferential respect to their mentors, mentors are trusted with the responsibility to take the mentees under their wings for protection. Therefore, the mentee shows deferential respect by using honorifics and following the mentor’s lead.
On the surface, the relationship appears to be based on a power imbalance, where the mentee occupies a powerless position vis-à-vis the mentor; however, Tannen (1996) reminds us that power and solidarity are not always mutually exclusive. Any power that comes with age, gender, or social position exists in tandem with the responsibility to look after those in lower positions. In Tannen’s view, power and solidarity exist as points on a continuum that are mutually constitutive rather than mutually exclusive categories. In a more hierarchical society like Japan, occupying a higher position does not preclude one from forming close relationships with others. The sempai-kōhai relationship is one that is defined by interconnectedness. The kōhai will eventually become a sempai entrusted with the responsibility of mentoring others.
Extract 12 is a continuation of the conversation at Hiroto’s home (Phillips, 2022).
Extract 12Jake: You sound like my dad. (11:04)
Hiroto: A cop? (11:05)
Jake: A coroner. (11:06)
Hiroto: I have known some good coroners. (11:07)
Jake: No, thank you. [in English] At the bar, what was that? (11:08)
Hiroto: Off the record. (11:09)
Jake: Absolutely. (11:10)
Hiroto: The roots of the yakuza run so deep, we can never get rid of them, so cops are encouraged to maintain peace among the different gangs. Tokyo has been stable these last few years. But now Shinzo Tozawa and his men have come from Kansai to try and claim a local gang’s territory. That’s what you saw. A low-level move on Chihara-kai turf.
Jake: But you didn’t tell the world, so they can pretend it didn’t happen. (11:17)
Hiroto: Maybe they don’t retaliate, and peace can hold. So I’m the one who kept the peace?
[both laugh] [in Japanese] Cheers! (11:20)
Due to Jake’s candor, Hiroto draws on a discourse of sempai-kōhai and positions him as his mentee. Hiroto smiles when Jake mentions his father was a coroner. He even offers Jake a cigarette, which he politely declines. If Jake were more integrated into Japanese society, he would have known that such a refusal could potentially cause an affront at this time when smoking was more prevalent. Over time, Jake eventually becomes a chain smoker, and clove cigarettes become his trademark. In this extract, Jake accepts the kōhai position and the two men start to form a deeper bond.
In this series, Jake’s status as a foreigner complicates the traditional sempai-kōhai relationship. There are times when Katagiri positions Jake as a foreigner, but Jake resists this position. Some non-Japanese embrace the clueless foreigner position that is offered by the discourse of foreign otherness. Komisarof (2012) found that some non-Japanese residents strategically utilize the gaijin (foreigner) card by claiming ignorance of Japanese culture and language. In the process, Japanese people give them latitude when committing cultural faux pas, but their reliance on this strategy prevents them from achieving deeper levels of integration. Like Samatha, Jake has attained a high level of acculturation precisely because he exerts effort to learn how to navigate the complex and unfamiliar terrain of Japanese culture.
The next excerpt shows Hiroto in his mentor role (Iizuka, 2022).
Extract 13Hiroto: I gave you the folder. Any progress? (15:11)
Jake: I’m working on it. Today, I’m gonna work on it. (15:12)
Hiroto: Work harder. (15:13)
In this extract, Hiroto revisits the topic of the folder his daughter gave Jake, which reflects their deepening relationship. As previously discussed, Hiroto circumvented the law by having his daughter give Jake a classified police document. As a mentor, Hiroto is nudging his mentee to support his professional growth. It was risky to violate the law, but Hiroto believes that Jake will use the information to expose a criminal and ultimately diminish organized crime in Tokyo. Hiroto draws on the cultural value of gambari (perseverance) and encourages Jake to work tirelessly toward the goal (Davies & Ikeno, 2002; Matsumoto, 2014). Jake’s affirmation that he is working on the task today indicates his further integration into Japanese culture because he realizes the risk Hiroto took, and his accompanying responsibility to pursue the lead.
In the next example, Hiroto advises Jake on how to recuperate from a professional setback he experienced. Jake had evidence that incriminated a high-ranking criminal (Tozawa), which was anonymously destroyed to prevent its disclosure (Stein, 2022).
Extract 14Hiroto So everything about Tozawa’s gone. And that surprises you? My father... He was... very Japanese. (42:16)
Jake: “Very Japanese?” (42:17)
Hiroto: There are degrees. He owned a little market. He stocked his shelves, kept his books. Had a small wooden Buddha on the counter where he met his customers. And on this figurine was carved: “Not knowing... is Buddha.” It means, not knowing is peaceful. (42:22)
Jake: So ignorance is bliss? (42:23)
Hiroto: I did not say it worked for me. (42:24)
Jake: You know, I don’t think not knowing is really part of our job description. My father just wants me to come home. (42:25)
Hiroto: Is it wrong for a father to want to be close to his child? (42:26)
Jake: No. Of course not. It’s just, you know, I did my time there. I spent time with them, and I’m here now doing my own thing. And the only thing he says to me is, “Come home.” Maybe he could just be a little bit proud of me, you know? (42:31)
Hiroto: Last time we spoke, you had come to a dead end with the investigation. I’m curious. How did you crack it? (42:33)
Jake: I guess it was just your standard reporter’s ingenuity. You know... Sugita-san, the banker who killed himself... I can’t... I really can’t help but think that he wouldn’t have done it if only I hadn’t confronted him. (42:38)
Hiroto: The banker...He dug his own grave. That kind of thinking will drive you mad. Tonight, get yourself good and drunk. You’ll feel better tomorrow. (42:41)
Jake: Oh, thanks. (42:42)
In this scene, Hiroto positions Jake as his mentee, and Jake accepts this position. This positioning is accomplished by relaying a personal anecdote that instructs Jake about how it is sometimes easier to remain in the dark about certain matters. Hiroto continues to mentor Jake by assuring him that he is not responsible for the banker’s suicide. This scene shows the bond that is developing between the two characters as they embody the mentor and mentee positions.
The scene also demonstrates how Jake is drawing on discourses of integration and individualism to construct his identity. Ironically, Jake is once again drawing on a familiar American trope of the self-made man when he asserts that he is forging his own path and desires his father’s blessing (Kimmel, 2017). On the one hand, Jake is indeed conforming to Japanese cultural norms by accepting Hiroto’s mentorship, but, at the same time, his identity is still constructed from a discourse of individualism. Jake embarks on an individualistic pursuit by building a life away from his family, yet he simultaneously inculcates Japanese values as he acculturates. Individuals can draw on positions offered by two seemingly polarized discourses that can overlap and coexist.
In the next extract, Jake tips off Hiroto about an impending crime. Jake received a tip from a gang boss (Ishida) that he has a decent relationship with (Brickman, 2022). Jake met Ishida through Akira Sato because he is a gang member. Jake hopes that Hiroto will pursue the tip. Jake views the tip as a surefire way to accomplish their mutual goal of arresting Tozawa, the gang boss and villain in the series.
Extract 15Hiroto: Who gave you this information? (35:01)
Jake: And I know what you’re gonna say. He’s clearly using me to hit back at Tozawa, but who cares? Because we’re talking about stopping a plane full of meth from entering Tokyo. (35:06)
Hiroto: How do you know Ishida is telling you the truth? (35:07)
Jake: He has no reason to lie. So the plane’s getting in tomorrow morning. We’re gonna have to move fast. (35:09)
Hiroto: We do not have to move. I will investigate when the time is right. (35:10)
Jake: The time... I don’t understand. I bring you this information. I-it’s tomorrow morning. We have to move on it. You just want to wait? (35:12)
Hiroto: A man was just killed when he fell from the roof of the headquarters of Chihara-Kai.
Jake: When? (35:13)
Hiroto: Two days ago. It was kept quiet to keep the peace. (35:14)
Jake: Who was it? (35:15)
Hiroto: The traitor whose name you gave to Ishida. Everything you do has consequences. With information, there is always a cost. If there is a story here, it will be yours to write. But you must have patience. Trust me when I say that acting rashly could jeopardize many things. Do you trust me? (35:22)
This conversation and Jake’s subsequent actions show the intersection of a sempai-kōhai discourse and a discourse of individualism. Jake presumably fails to understand the full dimension of the sempai-kōhai relationship, which involves reciprocity and mutual trust. As a mentor, Hiroto makes decisions that are in his mentee’s best interest, but the ramifications of these decisions are not necessarily readily apparent to the relatively inexperienced Jake. As a seasoned police officer, Hiroto has valid reasons for not pursuing a tip from Tozawa’s rival. Jake, however, draws on the discourse of individualism and maintains that they should move fast and pursue the tip. Hiroto’s assertion that he will investigate at the opportune time suggests that he is drawing on a sempai-kōhai discourse because an experienced police detective exercises prudence when making decisions that impact multiple people. As the experienced sempai, Hiroto will help Jake with his story at the opportune time, but he must exercise good judgement and patience now. Hiroto reaffirms the necessity of prudence when he tells Jake about a recent event that illustrates how consequences result from our actions.
In the following scenes, Jake draws on discourses of individualism and egalitarianism by blatantly disregarding Hiroto’s advice and pursuing the lead (Brickman, 2022). Secretly, Jake contacts Jin Miyamoto, a vice detective, and shares the information with him. Miyamoto authorized the drug raid on a cargo plane, but no drugs were found. In the end, Hiroto accurately assessed the situation. As a novice reporter and kōhai, Jake not only ignored his place in hierarchical Japanese society but also betrayed his sempai’s trust. The following exchange occurs after Hiroto learns of the raid and confronts Jake.
Extract 16Hiroto: We could have interviewed every employee quietly, built our case strong enough to prevent any way for Tozawa to escape. Now he’ll change everything...His location, his method, double his protection. Because of you, we start from nothing. (51:05)
Jake: I’m sorry. I...I-I needed a story. I don’t know what happened. My source has been good...
Hiroto: Such entitlement. Such a disappointment. (51:09)
Jake committed the cardinal sin of betraying his sempai’s trust. In the process, Hiroto’s face (Brown & Levinson, 1989) was damaged because his superiors now view him as incapable of managing this high-profile case. Hiroto provided Jake access to the criminal underworld; however, Jake’s reckless decision ignored the giri (obligation) to Hiroto and jeopardized Hiroto’s professional reputation. As Vice Detective Miyamoto did not have the professional reputation or respect that Hiroto commanded, the stakes were much lower for him. The fact that Jake blatantly disregarded Hiroto’s directive and asked Miyamoto for assistance was a further insult to his sempai.
This scene once again illustrates how our identities are created and reconfigured by assuming different subject positions in relation to discourses. Jake often drew on the assimilation/integration discourses, but at other times, he embraced a discourse of individualism and the accompanying subject position of self-made man. As such, Jake’s own identity project is complex and multifaceted (Edley, 2001, 2017; Reynolds, 2008). At different times, Jake draws on discourses that both legitimate and undermine his integrationist identity.
It is interesting to note that this series portrayed two non-Japanese individuals attempting to acculturate to Japan. They were not portrayed as exploiting the gaijin card or expecting privileged guest treatment. The characters made cultural faux pas, but they exerted tremendous effort to integrate into Japanese culture and therein exhibited the appropriate demeanor. They both identified Japan rather than the United States as their home and distanced themselves from their homeland. As such, the series should be commended for presenting two non-Japanese characters in non-stereotypical roles. The show presents Japan through Jake’s eyes and emphasizes a theme of cultural integration rather than culture shock. The series shows Jake experiencing daily life in Japan and does not depict Japanese culture as bizarre or exotic, which other films have done (e.g., Coppola, 2003).
This analysis has supported previous research proving that discourses do not exist in isolation but overlap and intersect (Fairclough, 2015; Kamada, 2009; Kristeva, 1986). Therefore, assimilating or integrating into Japanese culture involves drawing on discourses of collectivism and sempai-kōhai (Davies & Ikeno, 2002; Matsumoto, 2014). Simultaneously, the individual must also resist discourses of individualism and egalitarianism, which are central to identify formation in the US. Our identities as Americans or Japanese stem from the iterative process of taking up positions vis-à-vis interrelated discourses. Jake may find that many of the mannerisms and cultural norms he has inculcated mark him as an atypical American. In Japan, however, Jake constructs an identity that reflects his cultural integration.
This study confirms that constructing social identities is a dynamic process (Davies & Harré, 1990; Edley, 2001, 2017; Kendall, 2007; Reynolds, 2008). Social identities are created as individuals draw on and resist the positions offered by different discourses. As previously discussed, Jake’s journey to embody a more Japanese identity involved rejecting certain discourses and embracing others. Analysts must, therefore, examine the relationship between discourses to draw an accurate picture of how identities are crafted in social interaction (see Kondo, 1990). Simultaneously, analysts must understand not only the discourses circulating in a text but also the significance of discursive absences. Our social identities are multifaceted and complex rather than homogenous and unidimensional (Edley, 2001, 2017; Kamada, 2009; Reynolds, 2008).
In many ways, Jake is a prototypical example for the cultural adaptation challenges a non-Japanese person faces while residing in Japan. Jake’s struggle to embrace a discourse of collectivism and assume a place within the organization was one of the main obstacles preventing true acculturation. While Jake was extremely focused on publishing stories and destabilizing organized crime in Japan, he was partially blinded by this singular focus. To better assimilate into Japanese culture, he had to deprioritize his own individualistic goals and prioritize the collective goals of the groups he belonged to. His reckless decision to ignore Detective Katagiri’s advice not only debilitated a major crime investigation but also severely damaged their relationship. In a culture where the art of relationship building is time-honored, Jake exhibited an improper demeanor by not deferring to his mentor’s judgement. Tokyo Vice accurately presents the cultural adaptation struggle many individuals from more individualistic cultures face in Japan.
The portrayal of Jake demonstrates how cultural marginalization and separation are not always the result of the individual actively eschewing aspects of Japanese culture. Jake was positioned by a discourse of foreign otherness, but he resisted this positioning. Neither Jake nor Samantha consciously separated from Japanese culture. As discussed, they were both committed to acculturating to Japan and distancing themselves from their cultures of origin. However, their sometimes unintended cultural faux pas led to a certain amount of separation because these blunders marked them as cultural outsiders. To move deeper into cultural integration, individuals must learn to decipher and ultimately embody those more hidden or deep aspects of culture (Shaules, 2007). Jake will never take on a completely integrationist identity until he learns to distance himself from those discourses associated with American identity and embrace those associated with a Japanese identity. Our identities always intersect with race/ethnicity, gender, social class, and so on (Davies & Harré, 1990; Fairclough, 2015; Kamanda, 2009; Reynolds, 2008; Sunderland, 2004).
Individuals who embrace discursive positions and construct integrationist identities simultaneously exhibit proper demeanor. Demonstrating proper demeanor includes inculcating the more visible aspects of culture, like dress and deportment, and hidden or deeper elements of culture. Jake’s physical appearance marks him as an outsider, yet he has adopted many linguistic and social behaviors consistent with a Japanese identity. Despite his linguistic and cultural savviness, the blunders he made marked him as someone who is improperly demeaned. Most notably, Jake violated the norms of proper demeanor and fractured the sempai-kōhai relationship when he blatantly ignored Katagiri’s decision to postpone acting on the tip.
Exhibiting proper demeanor is an integral part of creating that integrationist identity, but members of the dominant group must cooperate for this to succeed. Samantha exhibited an appropriate demeanor through her verbal and non-verbal actions, yet she did not convince the realtor to treat her as an in-group member of Japanese society. The rules that govern demeanor vary based on the closeness of the relationship, status, and gender (Goffman, 1956). Samantha’s situation complexifies this relationship. In a country where the customer is God, Samantha should have more power in the relationship.
Nevertheless, the real estate agent’s decision-making authority about renting the apartment places him in a more powerful position than Samantha. Samantha appears to recognize their asymmetrical relationship and follows the protocols that govern polite speech and behavior to convince him that she possesses a proper demeanor. The cooperation from members of the dominant group is crucial for an individual’s demeanor to be considered proper or improper.
Media are cultural artifacts that are quickly disseminated in an era of globalization and reflect actual sociocultural discourses. As such, Tokyo Vice circulates discourses about Japanese culture. The series was loosely based on Adelstein’s memoir set in the 1990s, but it was produced in a more global era than when the book was written. We can thus examine these discourses as both remnants of the past and current depictions of how Japanese culture is represented by an American director and producer. Samantha Porter, for instance, appeared in the series but never in Adelstein’s memoir. The director and producer chose to include her, but her own desire to acculturate provided a nice complement to Jake’s. Samantha overcame many cultural obstacles and challenges to become the owner of a hostess club in Tokyo. Significantly, this series presents discourse about Japan that is disseminated throughout the international community. The discourse is created by Americans and thus represents their own perspectives and biases.
This paper discussed the discourses circulating in Tokyo Vice to examine how intercultural communication and acculturation are represented and how Jake Adelstein constructed a predominately integrationist identity. Jake successfully integrated into Japan when he took up the kōhai position and expressed giri to his sempai Hiroto Katagiri. Significantly, rejecting discourses of egalitarianism and individualism was challenging yet crucial to fully integrate into Japanese culture and exhibit an appropriate demeanor (Goffman, 1956). The process of crafting or forging a cultural identity is a complex process partially accomplished by drawing on and assuming positions in relation to discourses (Kamada, 2009; Kendall, 2007; Reynolds, 2008).
The intercultural encounters and discourses presented in Tokyo Vice can be used to study how intercultural communication and acculturation are represented in fictional television series. In our increasingly digital age, we can easily access media from other cultures. Popularized series like Tokyo Vice are predominately fiction but also disseminate images of Japanese culture to a viewership that includes those unfamiliar with Japan. Tokyo Vice portrayed both the rewarding and challenging aspects of adapting to Japanese culture as a non-Japanese. Further research can compare current cinematic representations with previous ones to chronicle how film or television has evolved to present more nuanced rather than stereotypical representations. Additional research could analyze representations of foreign residents from other countries with less cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1979) than the United States to capture how they are represented. Film and television provide robust data for studying intercultural communication and the acculturation process. As such, analysts can uncover crucial insights by excavating these rich sources of data.
