文化人類学研究
Online ISSN : 2434-6926
Print ISSN : 1346-132X
論文
漁撈儀礼の実践と年齢秩序の相関
――パプアニューギニア・テワーダにおける集団魚毒漁を例として――
田所 聖志
著者情報
ジャーナル フリー

2006 年 7 巻 p. 125-155

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抄録

  This study examines the correlation between practices of collective poison fishing ritual and age order among the Tewada in Papua New Guinea. Over the past few decades, a number of studies have been conducted on fishing rituals. Howerer, these studies focus on the meaning of these rituals. This article will take up a case of the Tewada where an age aystem exits, and examine the social significance of the fishing ritual with special reference to correlation of age order.

  The Tewada are hunting and shifting horticultural peole who number about 620 and inhabit in the middle area of the Ankave River in the Gulf Province. The population is dispersed through rugged mountainous terrain over a widespread, thinly populated rain forest which ranges in height from 200 meters to 1,200 meters. The most important political units are land occupying groups. At the same time, through intermarriage and trade exchange, many people have relation-ships with other people who live in distant places. There is a category which based on age in the Tewada. Men and women hava age categorical names which have several grades. As for women, they divide work categories based on age, and norm of action is closely related with the category which is based on age. On the other hand, as for men, they do not divide work into categories based on age, and there is no daily opportunity in which they are located to a particular grade in this category which is based on age. In daily life, human relations are formed by the equal exchange relationsip which is supported by the equivalent principle, and the kinship relationship. In daily life, categories based on age ase nos expressed clearly.

  Collective poison fishing which is conducted once a year takes place in the Ankave River. The fish poison is drawn up during an all night vigil at the fishing riverside, and is poured in to the Ankave River the next morning. The participants capture the fish which are paralysed by the fish poison. First with poison fishing, the participants assemble from many villages, and move to the Ankave River which is the fishery. Six groups are formed at the time of movement as follows: i "Fish poison magician" who makes magic at the time of pouring fish poison to the river, ii "Bark collectors" who strip the wide bark which is used as the fish poison container; iii "Wayae carriers" who dig out plant roots which contains fish poison material called Wayae, and carry them to the fishery riverside; iv "scaffold makers" who assemble the scaffold on which the fish poison container is put: (solly) v "Middlestream site catchers" comfrising sick men and men whose close relatives bave died recently, and who catch fish in the middlestrean site; and vi "Downstream catchers" comfrising men whose wives are pregnant, all the women, and all the children. They catch fish at the downstream site. These groups move to the fishery in the following order: v and iv, ii, iv, i, and iii. As for the constitution of these groups, the relation of kinship is the most important factor.

  After all the participants arrive at the fishery. at the fishing riverside, extraction of the fish poison is done during an all night vigil. Hitting the bark, the sap comes out. Exposing that bark to the water, it extracts the sap. The fish poison is processed with such an operation. The following four groups are formed with this operation: a The "Hitting group" who hit Wayae roots with wooden sticks; b The "Washing group" who extract fish poison by washing hit Wayae roots with watr; c The "Water drawing group" who draw water from the river; d The "Chatting froup" who do not join the other groups but who chat and smoke. With this operation, the groups are formed on the basis of knowledge and experience.

  When the reorganization process of this group is

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© 2006 現代文化人類学会
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