The purpose of this paper is to review the two-year discussions about “Communities in Post-3.11 Japan” and to clarify outcomes and unsolved problems.
In the symposium of 2013 annual meeting, we discussed various divides that appear among local residents as a recovery proceeds. In the symposium of 2014 annual meeting, we discussed continuity of the center-periphery structure that has been built through a modernization process in Japan. On the other hand, we can observe lots of grass-roots activities by local residents for their own recovery, cooperating with local government, NPOs and supporters from other local communities.
It may be said that the most important finding from the two-year discussions and case studies is that we identify a coexistence of two opposite facts. One is that there exists the center-periphery structure at macro level, and the other is that there also exists a grass-root activity at micro level. The former can work against a local community, whereas the latter can be a site for resistance.
However, a problem is left behind us; how do we explain the coexistence of two opposite facts theoretically? Facts themselves do not tell anything about it.
Besides discussions above, we have been facing other problem for the past two years. As scholars who
engage in regional and community studies, how can we support damaged communities and people? I think
that we have to continue to ask the question in our own way.
There is not a prospect for recovery from Great Eastern Japan Earthquake and the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Accident when we see the 4th year. On the contrary the restoration policy disturbs a recovery of disaster-stricken area. The government has to reconstruct the policy as quickly as possible. In this article we exhibit many contradictions of the restoration policy of the government for areas stricken by tsunami disaster and nuclear accident, and indicate the 3rd way as an improved policy. We discuss why these many contradictions occurs, and present a great earthquake panic and two paternalism of prevention and recovery of/from damage by disaster as the causes of policy contradiction.
In this paper, I try to show the way for the resilience of the nuclear disaster prevention, especialy as for the Community Disaster Management Plan.
In the aftermath of the Great East Japan Earthquake, the Cabinet Office amended the Disaster Countermeasures Basic Law in June 2013, and created the “Community Disaster Management Plan” (CDMP), a plan for disaster management activities by residents of local communities. Disaster management activities based on the CDMP will lead to local community participation in the town planning, even during the preliminary reconstruction phase, Japanese government hopes.
In the first chapter, I review the disaster-management cycle with Japanese Disaster Mitigation Cycle or Gensai-Cycle, and consider the relevance of the concept 'resilience'.
Next chapter, I show the one example of the CDMP, which were made in Ando-community in Ozuchitown, Iwate-prefecture(one of the stricken area of East Japan Earthquake, Tsunami-disaster). This example was selected as the first CDMP in Japan. Ando-community people tried to carry out their own CDMP during many times town meetings and conferences with the local government. In this process, they obtained their own CDMP and their calm.
The last chapter, I consider and try to show the way of the CDMP in the field of the nuclear disaster prevention. In this 10 years, I took part in the Nuclear emergency response drill in some nuclear power stations in Japan. In the drills, I got the position of the assessment member for the inhabitants safety part, Jumin-Anzen-Han. Then, I proposed one method of inhabitants participation toward the nuclear power station disaster management plan, which was named the establishment of the refuge border by inhabitants own. Is this able to call the CDMP of the nuclear power station ?
From 2012 to 2014, Japan Association of Regional and Community Studies(JARCS) has discussed its common issue, “Region and Community of post-Great East Japan Earthquake”. The purpose of this paper is to raise a new common issue based on the discussions in JARCS.
The most important feature of “post- Great East Japan Earthquake” is shown in Japanese government’s adoption of a policy on “selection and concentration” basis. This indicated that the government declared the creation of peripheral regions and abandoned people within the national land. Here we can see the end of developmentalism in post-colonial East Asia, and how it appeared specifically in Japan.
On this historical phase, the Japanese government and capitals introduced a regional remodeling plan, namely “Grand Design 2050”, or the Comprehensive National Development Plan.
Various forms of self-directive practices, however, have been emerging in “regions and communities as living-spheres”, where the residents independently develop their own lives, opposing to the government’s plan.
This paper, therefore, proposes a new common issue for JARCS : “Grand Design 2050 and Living-Spheres of Local Residents”.
Although it is said that the three neighborhood community leaders were attached to one table led to the subsequent continuous community-based-planning in Mano area, who aligned or was opposed to each other through the debate process is not clarified.
Then, this research is dealt with their debating tape records of the meetings of an examination committee that is called”Mano-KENTOKAI” and its preparation organization that is called ”Mano-KONDANKAI”.
This paper shows clearly how three leaders spoke and had influence mutually from the debate process in the beginning of KONDANKAI and KENTOKAI which were the preparation organizations of the Manoarea city planning promotion committee that is called “Mano-SUISINKAI”, and why it would be concerned actively to generation of the solidarity between three neighborhood community by the dialogue-analysis.
In the high economic growth period of the 1960s air pollution occurred frequently due to rapid industrialization and regional development. In polluted areas, a large number of victims stood together and filed lawsuits. This resulted in a series of trials that demanded the pollution be prohibited and that compensation be provided for victims. In the late 1990s, a milestone that led to “reconciliation” between the victims and those responsible for the pollution was reached. Since then, many efforts have been made for local revival in polluted areas.
This paper presents a case study of the Kurashiki pollution lawsuit, which involved people near the Mizushima industrial complex in Okayama prefecture. It outlines the role the air pollution opposition movement played in the above lawsuit, focusing on the influence the “local revival movement” had in gaining sympathy and support for the lawsuit. In addition, the situation in Mizushima is re-examined in the present
day, 20 years after reconciliation was said to have been achieved by the Kurashiki pollution lawsuit.
There are two main findings from the case study. First, the role the local revival movement has played is significant, as it has allowed victims of pollution who could not participate in early community development activities to play a key role in town planning for “revival of a polluted area” instead. Second, the Mizushima Foundation, which was established as part of the terms of the lawsuit settlement, has made it possible for the local revival movement to continue.
S. Greer had found two different areas in the involvement of residents in their residential area in Los Angeles in the 1950s. The purpose of this paper is to confirm whether there exist such different areas in present-day large Western cities or not. For this purpose, I conducted a survey of women aged between 20 and 55 in two research areas in the suburbs of Melbourne in 1999. The analysis of the data revealed the following two points: Firstly, women in both research areas did not have much neighbourhood relationships and participated in very few groups. Therefore, I could not find such an area where residents were deeply involved in their residential area – an area which had existed in Greer’s Los Angeles study and Martin’s Adelaide study about 50 years ago. Secondly, the two research areas in Melbourne were different in terms of the geographical distribution of kinship and friendship relationships, the number of workmate relationships, the attendance to self-improvement classes, and the choice of their dwelling place. Involving themselves in near-by kinship networks and exploiting good facilities and services of the city, women in one area were devoted to their work and attended to self-improvement classes. Unlike women in that area, women in the other area enjoyed the good natural environment of their residential area. The difference in the “way of life” had changed since
Greer’s and Martin’s studies, because of the increase of workforce participation of women and the diffusion of
This paper aims to show the importance as the sector to help foreigners in Japan, especially when the big disaster (earthquake, tsunami, typhoon, and so on) occurs. I explain 1) the history of the activity and its organization process to foreigners in Japan by the Catholic Church, and 2) how it supports the foreigners after East Japan Earthquake.
The Catholic Church as a support sector in disaster area has some priorities: 1) the Catholic Church has the global network in the world and, when the disaster occurs somewhere, the Catholic churches and people all over the world can support sufferers. 2) It has a lot of churches in small city or town, and can use them as stronghold of support activity for the disaster areas. Especially, for Filipino immigrants living in countryside of Japan, such activities by the Catholic churches are valuable.
This paper explain the process and its effort of the support activity by the Catholic Church after the East Japan Great Earthquake, especially shelter to Filipino’s refugees from Fukushima and the Volunteer tours to Sanriku-area managed by Filipino’s community in Tokyo area and CTIC (Catholic Tokyo International Center). These cases show the significance of the activity by the Catholic Church in non-collective residential area of foreigners in Japan.