In 1888 Kyoka Izumi (born Kyotaro Izumi in 1873), who failed in the entrance examination of the Fourth Higher Middle School at Kanazawa, entered a private school kept by Tajiro Inami, and was soon left in charge of English lessons there, since he had attended a missonary school (the Hokuriku Eiwa Gakko) before and was very good at English.
Tajiro Inami was also known as a compiler of an English-Japanese dictionary entitled 'the Shinsen Eiwa Jiten'. This dictionary was published in 1886 from the Unkondo's which had already issued a literary magazine, 'the kinjo Shishi'.
Therefore, the advertisements of sale of Inami's dictionary were put in this magazine many times, and in addition so much information concerning English learning at Kanazawa or in Tokyo was reported.
In this essay, I would like to give a full detail of the following items, amplifying the above-mentioned matter :
1. Biographical Sketch of Tajiro Inami.
2. On 'the Kinjo Shinshi '.
3. On 'the Shinsen Eiwa Jiten'.
4. Situation of English learning at Kanazawa about the middle of 1880's based on the reports in the Kinjo Shinshi.

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In March, 1868 (4th year of Keio) after the establishment of Meiji Restoration government, Takatoh Ohshima, mining and metallurgical engineer, and president of Nisshindo, Educational Institute of Mine and Applied Science in Morioka, Nambu Han Capital, north-eastern Japan presented his opinion to the authorities. In it he maintained an idea to furnish a chance to some of his students taking a course in mining and metallurgical engineering for study of Western new navigation art on a steamship (named Hishunmaru, 200 ton), which Nambu Han Government purchased in Hakodate. Accordingly, as Nambu Han employed Englishmen, who were captain and mates of its ship till that time, it was necessary to make use of a JapaneseEnglish interpreter for students.
Making historical researches into this interpreter, I have found that he was Takuhei Kikuchi (1845-1928), engaged by Nambu Han Government as Kyunin, a country samurai, in 1862 (the 2th of Bunkyu). His father came from Ohata, Shimokita peninsula, however, he was born and grew up in Hakodate. And he learned Dutch, English, and schooner-ship building at Shojutsu-shirabesho, Tokugawa Shogunate College of Engineering in Hakodate. Moreover, under Prof. Ayasaburo Takeda, who was wellknown not only as Dutch and English scholar, but also as one of recognized authorities of Military engineering, to put it concretely, planner of Goryokaku castle and blast furnace constructed in and arround Hakodate, Kikuchi gained various experiences for the new art of navigation, and so on.
In May 4th, 1868 Ohshima, and Takuhei Kikuchi as interpreter with other samurais in Nambu Han sailed from port of Hakodate for Osaka on steamship Hishunmaru stated above. But, at port of Uraga, Tokyo bay, on the way to Osaka this ship was captured by the authorities of Meiji Restoration Government. Because, Nambu Han turned its policy to hostile against Satsuma Han, Choshu Han and south-western others, that is to say, the leading Han which founded the core of the new Government. It was just after the Civil War in Meiji Ishin, or Boshin-senso's outburst.
In this article I have described how young Kikuchi learned English and the act of navigation, grew to mate, and afterwards was appointed an interpreter. Then, he became the first president of Kokyo-gakusha, English School of Methodist Church, a root of the University of Aoyama-gakuin, Tokyo, soon after he was baptized in Hakodate.

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In W. S. Lewis and N. Murakami's Ranald MacDonald such names as Sherrei Tachachien (Shirai Tatsunoshin), Wirriamra Saxtuero (Uemura Sakuhichiro), Obigue (Ido Tsushimano-kami), Murayama Yeanoske (Moriyama Einosuke) and the descriptions of them appear in Chapters 11 and 12. But in the same book, we see their names and the descriptions of them again in Chapter 17, the last chapter : we read approximately the same thing twice in the book. Why did the editors of the book do such a thing? The fact is that Malcolm McLeod wrote Chapters 11 and 12 in 1857, making use of both the memos MacDonald gave him and what MacDonald told him when he visited McLeod in Ottawa in 1853. Yet in later years when the two resumed correspondence, McLeod, thinking that what he described in Chapters 11 and 12 might be a little simple, asked MacDonald to write him what he had forgotten to tell and what he wanted to tell about his old friends in Japan. The letter is now extant and we can see which parts of the letter McLeod and the later editors tried to publish and which parts of it they tried to eliminate.
There are also other parts Lewis and Murakami did not publish in their book, although these parts appear in McLeod's manuscripts. Oda Junichiro's letter to McLeod dated October 13th, 1888 and a part of Oda's conversation with McLeod about settlement in Canada are among them. Probably they did not interest Lewis and Murakami and they had to eliminate these parts.

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I am interested in Charles Wirgman, a correspondent from the Illustrated London News. In my last essay on vol. 17 of this journal I wrote about his journey through Nara with British Minister Rutherford Alcock in 1861. This time I tried to write about their stay in Osaka.
Sir Rutherford Alcock also wrote about their journey in his 'The Capital of the Tycoon'. In Osaka they stayed at a temple for a few days and visited several shops, a theater, a melting works for copper and so on. These places are all anonymous. My intention to identify them proved successful as to some of them. But as for the theater and the title of the play they saw, I have not yet succeeded with all my effort, referring to the recorded programs of the plays performed in the Edo Era. This being my chief object, I think I will make further investigation.
On this journey several yaconins, i. e. government officers, escorted. One of them is mentioned in Alcock's book as Tarasaki. I found another officer's name and pursued his career. He was Rentaro Tanaka. He was later dispatched to France as one of the members of a mission headed by Chikugo-no-kami Ikeda. After the Meiji Restoration he was appointed vice-governor of a local government in the province of Tajima. But what has become of him after 1875 is unknown.

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B. H. Chamberlain was the first to acknowledge the Noh play as an authentic genre of Japanese literature; previously it had been regarded merely as a form of entertainment. He saw in Noh a lyric drama, distinctly indigenous to Japan both in its form and in its treatment and choice of themes.
B. H. Chamberlain came to Japan in 1873 and took up an abode at a Buddhist temple in Tokyo. Near his residence lived an old samurai, Shigeru Araki, who had served the Tokugawa Shogunate. Chamberlain became his private teacher of English. It was through Araki that Chamberlain was introduced to the Noh play. The Noh play had been patronized by the Shogunates since the time of Yoshimitsu Ashikaga. After the establishment of the Tokugawa Shogunate, the performance of the Noh play became an indispensable event on ceremonial occasions. An old retainer of the Tokugawa Shogunate, Araki had great pride in Noh, considering it as a glorious symbol of Japanese art. In the course of his frequent visits to the Noh theatre with Araki, Chamberlain must have been attracted by the Noh play texts, YOKYOKU, as well as by the theatrical performance itself.
In the tradition of the Noh play, a text with few references to the lines from such famous anthologies as the Manyoshu or the Kokinshu was considered to be mediocre and lacking overtones. The Noh play is inseparably interwoven with the tradition of Japanese poetry. Not only are many poems embedded in the dialogue, but also there are many instances of a Noh play whose theme derives from waka. Thus it was through Noh plays that Chamberlain entered the world of Japanese classical poetry.
About this time he was introduced to an aged poetess who had many associates among people of refined taste of the upper class. He owed his elegant and well-accented Japanese to her and her circle. Chamberlain expressed his thanks to her in the preface to THE CLASSICAL POETRY OF THE JAPANESE as follows;
“… the necessary preliminary studies would never have been successfully carried through but for the kind encouragement of the aged poetess Tachibana-no-Toseko.”
She published the waka anthology MEIJI-KASHU in which she included Chamberlain's wakas under the pen name Odo. He was also an associate of the Japanese comedian (kyogen-shi), Nohara, who copied twenty volumes of comedy texts for him.
Chamberlain shared his Japanese studies with Ernest Satow, an English diplomat in Tokyo. They were good friends. Satow gave to Chamberlain one hundred volumes of yokyoku which he had collected in 1870s.
After seven years of devoted studies, Chamberlain published THE CLASSICAL POETRY OF THE JAPANESE in London in 1880. It contains poems from the Manyoshu, the Kokinshu, and four Noh plays i.e. The Robe of Feathers, The Death-Stone, Life is A Dream, andNakamitsu, and also two Kyogen plays i.e. Ribs and Skin (Hone Kawa) andAbstraction (Za-Zen).
Chamberlain was probably the first translator of Noh plays. Dr. Sanki Ichikawa praised B. H. Chamberlain for introducing the Noh play to the world as early as the opening years of the Meiji Era.

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Yamao Yozo (1837-1917) is well known for his contributions to the establishment of the Imperial College of Engineering (the predecessor of the present Faculty of Engineering of Tokyo University) in 1873. It is pointed out that his plan leading to this College comes from his study of science and technology in London and Glasgow from 1863-68. But there are still many unknowns about his activities during his stay in the UK.
This study is to uncover the details of his stay as a student at the University College and then clarify the influences of his experiences upon his plan, based upon the materials that I collected at the archives of the College. I found that he, in fact, was registered as “a student not matriculated” from 1864 to 66 at the College and studied Analytical Chemistry, Chemistry and Civil Engineering. He also visited various industrial centres to study at first-hand railway engineering, mining, ship-building, surveying, iron smelting and other industries. During his stay, Yamao was under the care of Mr. H. M. Matheson, managing partner of Matheson & Co., and Professor A. W. Williamson of the College. Their kind guidance and influence were very helpful to him.
As I compared the Calender of the College and his plan, I found that there are similarities between the two. In conclusion, his plan was based upon the University College model in several respects.

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Akika Nakamura's Kanayomi Kaisei Saigoku Risshihen published in 1882 was a simplified version of Masanao Nakamura's Saigoku Risshihen, the first Japanese translation of Samuel Smiles's Self-Help.
Akika wrote it for the benefit of the people who were unlearned in Kangaku, the knowledge of Chinese literature, which was an implicit requirement for reading Masanao's book, in spite of the general belief that it enjoyed popularity among an indiscriminately wide range of readers.
Masanao's book, written in Kambun Kundokutai (i.e. the style of reading Chinese in translating it into Japanese), was retold by Akika after the style of such popular reading of the day as Gesaku. In abriding Masanao's book, Akika's interest was not so much in the theories like political assertions, as in the examples of self-improvement ending in success.
Although it is only a part of the attempted publication and left unfinished, Akika's book, originally designed as a Self-Help primer, makes itself an illustration of how new ideas were received in the early days of Japan's modernization.

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Hundreds of books dealing with the Russo-Japanese war (1904-1905) have been published in Japan during the past years, but they have nearly all chronicled the military operations of her army by means of the gun and the bayonet, and have given very little information regarding the humanside, still less, the effects of the war on the rest of the world other than the contesting parties. Some time before the war, the Meiji government was divided; one party was for peace at any price, and the other was for vindicating national honour by appealing to arms, although even the war advocates were well aware that Japan was far below Russia in natural resources, military strength, and economic power; the national budget of Japan in the year preceding the war was only one-eighth of Russia's. Japan had, however, recognized the right of even the humblest to the opportunity of rising in the intellectual and social scale, whereas Russia was content to leave her people in besotted ignorance, without political rights and privileges, and also to leave her officers and soldiers in utter contempt of their Japanese counterparts so much that a high-ranking officer is said to have declared, “We need not the big gun; the musket will be enough to crush the yellow monkeys in a few weeks.”
The Japanese army was, in fact, far better trained than the Russian, in addition to the fact that the Japanese officers and men had had the international law and etiquette of the Red Cross Treaty inculcated in them since 1887 when General Oyama was War Minister.
Britain sent a large group of famous war correspondents and artists to the Japanese front, and their thrilling news, photographs, and sketches were collected into book form immediately after the war. Following their materials according to the progress of the war, I have tried to describe the human side, the national characteristics, and the consequent achievements and failures of both armies. In so doing, I have also tried to draw the attention of the reader to the global significance of the RussoJapanese war, which presents many cruel scenes, but provides the reader with a romantic interest reminiscent of a Homeric combat.

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[in Japanese]

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R. S. Maclay of the American Methodist Episcopal Mission came to Yokohama on July 11, 1873, after working as a missionary in China for 25 years. On July 30, the same year, I. H. Correll stopped at Yokohama because of his wife's illness while on the way to evangelize China as a missionary. On August 8, J. C. Davison and Julius Soper came to Yokohama as missionaries. The four missionaries organized the Methodist Episcopal Mission of Japan on August 8, 1873.
Maclay and Correll served as the missionaries in charge of Yokohama. They founded churches and a theological school there. That school moved to Tokyo later to unite with Tokyo Eiwa School and became Aoyama Gakuin.
G. F. Draper came to Yokohama in 1879. He became the principal of a school for the blind, which his mother had founded earlier.
Mrs. C. W. Van Petten worked as the principal of a women's theological school on the Bluff, Yokohama. She opened two primary schools with Waka Ninomiya, a woman who was a member of the Yokohama Methodist Church.
In 1889, some members of the Yokohama Methodist Church founded an English night school where several foreign missionaries worked as teachers.
Methodist missionaries in Yokohama made many contributions in evangelical and educational activities there.

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[in Japanese]

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